Two New Nations

This represents one very subjective, specific and scrappy reflection on post-independence South Sudan, influenced by and penned during my own travels back to the UK. There is a broader piece coming, but the original version has been lost in transit. I'm currently rewriting to make i more relevant and contemporary. In the mean time I hope this is of interest.

In leaving one new country behind I passed through another. Egypt is experiencing a rebirth and it's future is being argued out by two parents; the supreme, authoritarian, paternalistic, conservative military and the street: outspken, contradictory, dynamic, RADICAL. The history of ages hangs around the city, the pyramids and tombs, the mosques, the monuments and, now, the graffiti of January 25th and the deluge thereafter. Tahrir Square remains an autonomous space, policedby the community, sweeling and cntracting as meetings and demonstrations emerge daily. Youthful exuberance and enthusiasm bounces around from the pubescent boys checking IDs at the entrances to the robed imams and the entrepeneurs selling coffee, water and t-shirts lauding the 'facebook revolution', fuelled by a continued sense of injustice and unfinished business. There is a hunger for genuine, lasting change in the country. The military government that replaced Mubarak have responded to some demands and stonewalled others as the Autumn elections creep closer. The continued use of military courts for civilians and hesitation to prosecute police responsible for beatings and killings during the first flushes of the revolution are particular points of contention at present. Nothing is settled and the pungent stench of sensibility hangs in the air just a strong as the perfume, shisha or sweage you might experience elsewhere on thestreets of Cairo depending upon which corner you turn.

The citizens of Egypt seem to have little conception of what's happening a couple of thousandmiles South where their neighbour Sudan, at one time in the not too distant past under the joint colonial rule of the UK and Egypt, has finally parted company with it's Southern region to create a brand new state, the Republic of South Sudan. Where Egypt has infrastructure, tourism and a major profile in both the Arab world and farthr afield 'ROSS' enters the world a fledging full of poential and posessed with it's own sense of liberation, after over fifty years of conflict and before that of imperialist occupation. Whilst South Sudan is keen to establish itself as an active member of the East African economic bloc it's people could do worse than establish dialogue with their peers in Egypt and other North African states as they face their own new dawns. One vacuum at present in South Sudan is the lack of vocal, critical civil society willing to take risks in engaging with government, something Egypt has clearly exhibited this year and that has even inspired some mobilisation in neighbouring East African states Uganda and Kenya.

Over the past two decades,with South Sudanese support united behind the militant resistance movement of SPLM/A, now the dominant political force, and against the common enemy in the North, there has been a lack of pluralistic political discourse. Of course in Egypt the nonviolence and immediacy of the revolution has seen its ambiguities played out live for the world to see; secular groups and Islamists, urbanite modernists and rural traditionalists, united in struggle and vocal in disagreement about the future to come. Over the long, bloody and dehabilitating struggle in South Sudan local groups and NGOs have been stretched to their limits providing essential services such as education and healthcare that a government, then absent, now established, should aguably take responsibility for, and have understandably focussed their efforts there rather than on ideological debate or advocacy. The South Sudanese government has an opportunity, and a right, to prove itself, and no-one is accusing Salva Kir of wanting to be a Hosini Mubarak or even a Youseveni Museveni quite yet, but without an informed and vocal citizenry pushing it on, and helping shape it's vision and culture, there is a serious risk that the existing corruption, repression and inequality in the country could become entrenched and intensifed over time.

Of course the histories and circumstances of Egypt and South Sudan differ widely. However the power of one party, the lack of a consensous over the validity and equality of the constitution and the the key role of the military in South Sudan, not to mention the keen interest and influence of major international players, not least of course modern day empire in the form of the US, are all characteristics shared with Egypt to some degree. As the South Sudanese government enters the world with a four year mandate, on top of five years as the interim administration, there is enough time for activists in the community, particularly those in potential powerful lobbies such as the church, to judge the governments intentions and performance and develop their critical voice. Ultimately this can only strenghen the nation as a whole.

Two key developments that could support this process are the development of a more incusive public sphere (political debate at present seems very Juba focussed and elitist) and a focus on basic literacy across the country. Now most areas do not get newspapers and rely on what radio coverage is available but should circulation increase as infrastructure for transport and commerce improves then the population needs to be able to read and engage with the issues. The elitism mentioned above could be a product of the heavily disrupted education system and the divide between those who were cut off from education during the conflict and those lucky enough to study at higher levels in the west or Khartoum. If the government wants a productive populace and a healthy challenge to keep it on it's toes a serious investment in mainstream and adult education is essential.If not then the onus is on the community to take responsibility for such change on it's own terms, which could set the stage for future confrontations with the state. A new country such as South Sudan, with all of it's internal divisions and insecurity, can ill afford such a divide between the people and the state at such an early stage.

Kedeba Reflections

On Thursday evening I got back from four days in Kedeba, centre of the Mundri East county, where three colleagues (Kpichwa Sismayo, Voice Chance and Eric Jaffara) and I had delivered a training workshop for people elected the brand new county council there. Whilst only about thirty five miles from Mundri, Kedeba is almost two hours across painfully bumpy dirt roads by jeep. And despite being the local administrative hub, its infrastructure makes Mundri look like a metropolis. The hospitality, warmth and passion for change shown by the councilors and council staff however, was fantastic.

Until the 2010 elections electoral democracy had been largely alien to the South. The last contested elections had taken place in 1986 so an entire generation of people who were either under 18 years of age or not yet born at that point, had been disenfranchised. Now the GOSS, under pressure from aid donors and keen to justify its impending statehood, is implementing the features of a Westminster style system, including a commitment to decentralized governance, with some provision made to integrate local traditional structures into the state. Previously civil servants called Boma administrators dealt with all government matters at village level in South Sudan and local Chiefs (formerly appointed by hereditary birthright and still a lifelong position, if now elected) dispensed justice. Now each and every Boma is mandated to elect a councilor every four years, with representation in the county Legislature.

Our training was a modest introduction to local government, governance, democracy and anti corruption (Sudan is routinely cited as in the ‘bottom 10’ most corrupt countries in the world. The factors contributing to this in the South mainly relate to a lack of infrastructure and accountability, issues GOSS is now actively tackling). Many of the participants in our training, their lives disrupted by Northern oppression and civil war, have never experienced the privilege of a settled, peaceful life. Like so many Southern Sudanese, people in Kedeba had spent many years of their adult lives hiding in the bush in order to avoid Northern soldiers, walking great distances daily and going days at a time without food or water, or in refugee camps and temporary homes in Khartoum, Ethiopia, Kenya or Uganda.

For their sacrifices and those in the war fought by the SPLA to have borne fruit in the CPA, the referendum and now separation is the achievement of a lifetime for many, the liberation that they have suffered for, and that many of their friends and family have paid the ultimate price for. Therefore the opportunity to contribute to the building of their new nation as elected officials is seen as a great honor and responsibility.

The significance of the situation was underlined further when the official Referendum results were announced in the week, with an absolute landslide of over 99% voting for Seperation from the North. The televised ceremony featured lengthy congratulatory contributions from EU, UN and African Union representatives but the result was all that is important to the Southern Sudanese. The mood of quiet jubilation was tempered later in the week by the shocking news of the assassination of a the GOSS Minister for rural development, Jimmy Lemi, In Juba. The councilors remained steadfast in their own resolve to give their all for the good of their communities.

We were engaged to deliver sessions on the democracy, good governance, local government and corruption (perceived as a major potential threat to the effective running of South Sudan). That’s quite a lot of ground to cover in a degree, let alone a four day course! However, we were focused in our work and both the process and the end results felt very positive. Furthermore my Moro language skills developed a bit over the course of the workshop and I learnt a massive amount about the ground level challenges faced by communities across East Mundi, so it was educational for me too!

The challenges the councilors will face in their roles are large. The local economy is small and most children never complete secondary education. Health facilities are limited and local girls walk for hours each day to fetch fresh water for their households. Furthermore many of the educated and successful migrate to better connected and resourced areas to seek their fortune. There is much confusion and corruption in local affairs of state. As the new legislature introduced to balance out the powers of the executive, councilors will have to deal with officials and chiefs used to doing things their way and unused to being accountable to others. Also the expectations of citizens to deal with problems such as lack of health and education services, communication infrastructure and abuse of the justice system may fall heavily on councilors.

Part of our training focused on empowering the community as active partners in the development process so that councilors could better support them and their workload is shared across their constituencies. We did our best to introduce practical tools that could be used to facilitate this, drawing upon the PRA (participatory rural appraisal) techniques pioneered by Robert Chambers, amongst others from both the Global North and South.

With so much to cover in so little time it was inevitable that there would be some themes left to build upon but the hunger for more from participants was overwhelming. Often in training you encounter jaded ‘professional’ workshop participants, who seem to have little time between conferences and junkets to practically apply anything they may have learnt. Mundri East is a world removed from that realm. This emphasizes the obligation to serve attendees of such training in the best way possible. To be invited to support these communities to develop themselves is not only a privilege, but a serious responsibility.

In the months to come as we work with other local officials, chiefs, young people and community groups in awareness raising and training activities I hope to not only develop my language skills to be able to do the work in the language of the people, but to gain a much better understanding of local realities to ensure that I am fulfilling my personal responsibility to the fullest extent.

During our time in Kedeba we also visited local youth who work with KAYA (Kedeba Active Youth Association) to discuss their concerns for the area. There is little to no engagement at present between youth groups and the government. With a massive under 30s population a proactive, clear and participatory strategy to engage young people actively in nation building and meet their needs for recreation, skills development and education, is a must. However with so many other competing priorities on the part of the state, where and when such outreach will emerge is questionable. Youth organizations for their part, on my initial assessment, whilst well placed to deliver effective programmes, have yet to develop advocacy skills in order to influence policy makers and articulate their demands. This area is one I am keen to explore with MRDA in the months to come.