Wednesday, 14 September 2011
Guest blogs and upcoming posts
Hi, check out a post I've got up on the www.masterpeace.org blog regarding the recent riots in England. Might have another up on South Sudan elsewhere soon that I will link to on here. I'm considering a change in format and content here too. Watch this space.
Saturday, 30 July 2011
Two New Nations
This represents one very subjective, specific and scrappy reflection on post-independence South Sudan, influenced by and penned during my own travels back to the UK. There is a broader piece coming, but the original version has been lost in transit. I'm currently rewriting to make i more relevant and contemporary. In the mean time I hope this is of interest.
In leaving one new country behind I passed through another. Egypt is experiencing a rebirth and it's future is being argued out by two parents; the supreme, authoritarian, paternalistic, conservative military and the street: outspken, contradictory, dynamic, RADICAL. The history of ages hangs around the city, the pyramids and tombs, the mosques, the monuments and, now, the graffiti of January 25th and the deluge thereafter. Tahrir Square remains an autonomous space, policedby the community, sweeling and cntracting as meetings and demonstrations emerge daily. Youthful exuberance and enthusiasm bounces around from the pubescent boys checking IDs at the entrances to the robed imams and the entrepeneurs selling coffee, water and t-shirts lauding the 'facebook revolution', fuelled by a continued sense of injustice and unfinished business. There is a hunger for genuine, lasting change in the country. The military government that replaced Mubarak have responded to some demands and stonewalled others as the Autumn elections creep closer. The continued use of military courts for civilians and hesitation to prosecute police responsible for beatings and killings during the first flushes of the revolution are particular points of contention at present. Nothing is settled and the pungent stench of sensibility hangs in the air just a strong as the perfume, shisha or sweage you might experience elsewhere on thestreets of Cairo depending upon which corner you turn.
The citizens of Egypt seem to have little conception of what's happening a couple of thousandmiles South where their neighbour Sudan, at one time in the not too distant past under the joint colonial rule of the UK and Egypt, has finally parted company with it's Southern region to create a brand new state, the Republic of South Sudan. Where Egypt has infrastructure, tourism and a major profile in both the Arab world and farthr afield 'ROSS' enters the world a fledging full of poential and posessed with it's own sense of liberation, after over fifty years of conflict and before that of imperialist occupation. Whilst South Sudan is keen to establish itself as an active member of the East African economic bloc it's people could do worse than establish dialogue with their peers in Egypt and other North African states as they face their own new dawns. One vacuum at present in South Sudan is the lack of vocal, critical civil society willing to take risks in engaging with government, something Egypt has clearly exhibited this year and that has even inspired some mobilisation in neighbouring East African states Uganda and Kenya.
Over the past two decades,with South Sudanese support united behind the militant resistance movement of SPLM/A, now the dominant political force, and against the common enemy in the North, there has been a lack of pluralistic political discourse. Of course in Egypt the nonviolence and immediacy of the revolution has seen its ambiguities played out live for the world to see; secular groups and Islamists, urbanite modernists and rural traditionalists, united in struggle and vocal in disagreement about the future to come. Over the long, bloody and dehabilitating struggle in South Sudan local groups and NGOs have been stretched to their limits providing essential services such as education and healthcare that a government, then absent, now established, should aguably take responsibility for, and have understandably focussed their efforts there rather than on ideological debate or advocacy. The South Sudanese government has an opportunity, and a right, to prove itself, and no-one is accusing Salva Kir of wanting to be a Hosini Mubarak or even a Youseveni Museveni quite yet, but without an informed and vocal citizenry pushing it on, and helping shape it's vision and culture, there is a serious risk that the existing corruption, repression and inequality in the country could become entrenched and intensifed over time.
Of course the histories and circumstances of Egypt and South Sudan differ widely. However the power of one party, the lack of a consensous over the validity and equality of the constitution and the the key role of the military in South Sudan, not to mention the keen interest and influence of major international players, not least of course modern day empire in the form of the US, are all characteristics shared with Egypt to some degree. As the South Sudanese government enters the world with a four year mandate, on top of five years as the interim administration, there is enough time for activists in the community, particularly those in potential powerful lobbies such as the church, to judge the governments intentions and performance and develop their critical voice. Ultimately this can only strenghen the nation as a whole.
Two key developments that could support this process are the development of a more incusive public sphere (political debate at present seems very Juba focussed and elitist) and a focus on basic literacy across the country. Now most areas do not get newspapers and rely on what radio coverage is available but should circulation increase as infrastructure for transport and commerce improves then the population needs to be able to read and engage with the issues. The elitism mentioned above could be a product of the heavily disrupted education system and the divide between those who were cut off from education during the conflict and those lucky enough to study at higher levels in the west or Khartoum. If the government wants a productive populace and a healthy challenge to keep it on it's toes a serious investment in mainstream and adult education is essential.If not then the onus is on the community to take responsibility for such change on it's own terms, which could set the stage for future confrontations with the state. A new country such as South Sudan, with all of it's internal divisions and insecurity, can ill afford such a divide between the people and the state at such an early stage.
In leaving one new country behind I passed through another. Egypt is experiencing a rebirth and it's future is being argued out by two parents; the supreme, authoritarian, paternalistic, conservative military and the street: outspken, contradictory, dynamic, RADICAL. The history of ages hangs around the city, the pyramids and tombs, the mosques, the monuments and, now, the graffiti of January 25th and the deluge thereafter. Tahrir Square remains an autonomous space, policedby the community, sweeling and cntracting as meetings and demonstrations emerge daily. Youthful exuberance and enthusiasm bounces around from the pubescent boys checking IDs at the entrances to the robed imams and the entrepeneurs selling coffee, water and t-shirts lauding the 'facebook revolution', fuelled by a continued sense of injustice and unfinished business. There is a hunger for genuine, lasting change in the country. The military government that replaced Mubarak have responded to some demands and stonewalled others as the Autumn elections creep closer. The continued use of military courts for civilians and hesitation to prosecute police responsible for beatings and killings during the first flushes of the revolution are particular points of contention at present. Nothing is settled and the pungent stench of sensibility hangs in the air just a strong as the perfume, shisha or sweage you might experience elsewhere on thestreets of Cairo depending upon which corner you turn.
The citizens of Egypt seem to have little conception of what's happening a couple of thousandmiles South where their neighbour Sudan, at one time in the not too distant past under the joint colonial rule of the UK and Egypt, has finally parted company with it's Southern region to create a brand new state, the Republic of South Sudan. Where Egypt has infrastructure, tourism and a major profile in both the Arab world and farthr afield 'ROSS' enters the world a fledging full of poential and posessed with it's own sense of liberation, after over fifty years of conflict and before that of imperialist occupation. Whilst South Sudan is keen to establish itself as an active member of the East African economic bloc it's people could do worse than establish dialogue with their peers in Egypt and other North African states as they face their own new dawns. One vacuum at present in South Sudan is the lack of vocal, critical civil society willing to take risks in engaging with government, something Egypt has clearly exhibited this year and that has even inspired some mobilisation in neighbouring East African states Uganda and Kenya.
Over the past two decades,with South Sudanese support united behind the militant resistance movement of SPLM/A, now the dominant political force, and against the common enemy in the North, there has been a lack of pluralistic political discourse. Of course in Egypt the nonviolence and immediacy of the revolution has seen its ambiguities played out live for the world to see; secular groups and Islamists, urbanite modernists and rural traditionalists, united in struggle and vocal in disagreement about the future to come. Over the long, bloody and dehabilitating struggle in South Sudan local groups and NGOs have been stretched to their limits providing essential services such as education and healthcare that a government, then absent, now established, should aguably take responsibility for, and have understandably focussed their efforts there rather than on ideological debate or advocacy. The South Sudanese government has an opportunity, and a right, to prove itself, and no-one is accusing Salva Kir of wanting to be a Hosini Mubarak or even a Youseveni Museveni quite yet, but without an informed and vocal citizenry pushing it on, and helping shape it's vision and culture, there is a serious risk that the existing corruption, repression and inequality in the country could become entrenched and intensifed over time.
Of course the histories and circumstances of Egypt and South Sudan differ widely. However the power of one party, the lack of a consensous over the validity and equality of the constitution and the the key role of the military in South Sudan, not to mention the keen interest and influence of major international players, not least of course modern day empire in the form of the US, are all characteristics shared with Egypt to some degree. As the South Sudanese government enters the world with a four year mandate, on top of five years as the interim administration, there is enough time for activists in the community, particularly those in potential powerful lobbies such as the church, to judge the governments intentions and performance and develop their critical voice. Ultimately this can only strenghen the nation as a whole.
Two key developments that could support this process are the development of a more incusive public sphere (political debate at present seems very Juba focussed and elitist) and a focus on basic literacy across the country. Now most areas do not get newspapers and rely on what radio coverage is available but should circulation increase as infrastructure for transport and commerce improves then the population needs to be able to read and engage with the issues. The elitism mentioned above could be a product of the heavily disrupted education system and the divide between those who were cut off from education during the conflict and those lucky enough to study at higher levels in the west or Khartoum. If the government wants a productive populace and a healthy challenge to keep it on it's toes a serious investment in mainstream and adult education is essential.If not then the onus is on the community to take responsibility for such change on it's own terms, which could set the stage for future confrontations with the state. A new country such as South Sudan, with all of it's internal divisions and insecurity, can ill afford such a divide between the people and the state at such an early stage.
Wednesday, 22 June 2011
Community Peace Dialogue
The most comprehensive peace agreement to date between representatives from Yirol West and Mvolo was made at a meeting on Monday 6th June in Mapuordit, which I attended as an observer in my capacity with MRDA.
Statements of reconciliation were witnessed by communities, army, police and NGOs and commitments were made by leaders from both sides including declaration of free movement across the border. Furthermore all involved committed on both sides to administrative and legislative implementation. The meeting was pushed forward by the expert facilitation of the Mapuordit Payam Administrator Benjamin Mayor Alony and Lieutenant John Aboke of the Joint Integrated Unit (JIU), with support from Nonviolent Peaceforce, an international NGO that helps make space for dialogue to promote peace.
The conflict between combatants from Yirol West and Mvolo counties has raged since early February, a cycle of revenge resulting in the deaths of at least 50 people and displacement of tens of thousands of either side of the border. Vital health and education services, as well as the livelihoods of thousands of cultivators, have been severely disrupted. MRDA held a workshop in April for representatives of Western Equatoria and Lakes states to discuss ways forward and has continued to follow peace efforts.
The JIU, based until recently in Khartoum, under terms of the CPA, are an elite military unit made up of Northern (SAF) and Southern (SPLA) Sudanese troops , reserved for addressing internal conflicts that might undermine peace and self-determination. Upon independence the unit will be formally dissolved and troops reintegrated into their respective armies. Southern units from JIU have already returned to South Sudan. Since Mid-May the JIU have had troops stationed either side of the Mvolo-Yirol West border and patrolled in an attempt to reduce violence and increase feelings of security amongst the community. Their deployment had been requested by the Governors of Western Equatoria and Lakes states. They have also reached out to Chiefs on either side to engage them in peacemaking efforts since arriving in the area.
A successful meeting between representatives from Mapuordit and Kokori Payams on June 1st ended with a commitment to a more inclusive meeting the following week. A boost was given to preparations to mobilize when Commander Mariel Deng Nyok, the head of national security for the whole of South Sudan, visited affected areas to reiterate the commitment of GOSS to achieving peace and security in Mvolo and Yirol West and to push the communities to honor their own responsibilities.
The meeting was originally scheduled to take place in the area of Gynop. At the suggestion of the Mvolo chiefs this was changed to Mapurdit, a location also consistent with the resolutions of the Governors meeting in March and the MRDA workshop in April, both of which identified Mapurdit as an ideal location for peace talks. Though the meeting was originally scheduled for Saturday, logistic difficulties presented proceedings going ahead until Monday afternoon, by which time each delegation had had time to prepare and dialogue informally. A large thunderstorm immediately preceded the opening of events and was noted by all involved as an auspicious omen for peace.
‘Anything we had, rain has washed away’
The key message taken away was that all present wanted peace and believed that it could be achieved with their partners from the other side. Complete freedom of movement across the border was declared. The conflicts that arise because of unregulated cattle movement were clearly and honestly mentioned and there was a commitment to draft a new local legislation that provides a framework for regulating movement fairly and transparently so that people who violate agreements can be held to account. It was determined that another, smaller meeting would take place in Mvolo the following week to work on the details of this law and action plan. One chief, Door Awou of Kathier, did mention the challenge of working with youth with arms proliferation so high compared to previous times.
‘If you carry a gun you consider yourself a chief, a president even. Then who can tell you what to do?’
This may be considered as one challenge to implementation of the peace agreeent. Another challenge could arise from the behavior of particular chiefs who were absent. This was noted and they were singled out for approaching directly as soon as possible to report the agreement and involve in the process. If such a diplomatic approach was to fail it was suggested that they be referred to the security forces to be dealt with via legal or military means. Perhaps the most vehement contribution came from the only female contributor on the day, Alice Yange of Mvolo, who referred to the freedom struggle against the Sudanese government and the current troubles in the dispute border area of Abeyi.
‘Shame on us, we fought for independence so we could have development and now we are burning each other’s huts! If anyone wants to fight, the chiefs should take all their names down and send them to Abiyei to fight.’
The role of Government and NGOs in supporting implementation was strongly emphasized by chiefs as was continued the need for humanitarian assistance from NGOs to be provided for IDPs and returnees, which will present a serious logistical challenge. Overall, this community driven meeting was a resounding success and has set a strong foundation the stage for continued progress. Doubtless there will be setbacks in the journey toward long term peace but the spirit of this meeting set a great precedet for the future.
Statements of reconciliation were witnessed by communities, army, police and NGOs and commitments were made by leaders from both sides including declaration of free movement across the border. Furthermore all involved committed on both sides to administrative and legislative implementation. The meeting was pushed forward by the expert facilitation of the Mapuordit Payam Administrator Benjamin Mayor Alony and Lieutenant John Aboke of the Joint Integrated Unit (JIU), with support from Nonviolent Peaceforce, an international NGO that helps make space for dialogue to promote peace.
The conflict between combatants from Yirol West and Mvolo counties has raged since early February, a cycle of revenge resulting in the deaths of at least 50 people and displacement of tens of thousands of either side of the border. Vital health and education services, as well as the livelihoods of thousands of cultivators, have been severely disrupted. MRDA held a workshop in April for representatives of Western Equatoria and Lakes states to discuss ways forward and has continued to follow peace efforts.
The JIU, based until recently in Khartoum, under terms of the CPA, are an elite military unit made up of Northern (SAF) and Southern (SPLA) Sudanese troops , reserved for addressing internal conflicts that might undermine peace and self-determination. Upon independence the unit will be formally dissolved and troops reintegrated into their respective armies. Southern units from JIU have already returned to South Sudan. Since Mid-May the JIU have had troops stationed either side of the Mvolo-Yirol West border and patrolled in an attempt to reduce violence and increase feelings of security amongst the community. Their deployment had been requested by the Governors of Western Equatoria and Lakes states. They have also reached out to Chiefs on either side to engage them in peacemaking efforts since arriving in the area.
A successful meeting between representatives from Mapuordit and Kokori Payams on June 1st ended with a commitment to a more inclusive meeting the following week. A boost was given to preparations to mobilize when Commander Mariel Deng Nyok, the head of national security for the whole of South Sudan, visited affected areas to reiterate the commitment of GOSS to achieving peace and security in Mvolo and Yirol West and to push the communities to honor their own responsibilities.
The meeting was originally scheduled to take place in the area of Gynop. At the suggestion of the Mvolo chiefs this was changed to Mapurdit, a location also consistent with the resolutions of the Governors meeting in March and the MRDA workshop in April, both of which identified Mapurdit as an ideal location for peace talks. Though the meeting was originally scheduled for Saturday, logistic difficulties presented proceedings going ahead until Monday afternoon, by which time each delegation had had time to prepare and dialogue informally. A large thunderstorm immediately preceded the opening of events and was noted by all involved as an auspicious omen for peace.
‘Anything we had, rain has washed away’
The key message taken away was that all present wanted peace and believed that it could be achieved with their partners from the other side. Complete freedom of movement across the border was declared. The conflicts that arise because of unregulated cattle movement were clearly and honestly mentioned and there was a commitment to draft a new local legislation that provides a framework for regulating movement fairly and transparently so that people who violate agreements can be held to account. It was determined that another, smaller meeting would take place in Mvolo the following week to work on the details of this law and action plan. One chief, Door Awou of Kathier, did mention the challenge of working with youth with arms proliferation so high compared to previous times.
‘If you carry a gun you consider yourself a chief, a president even. Then who can tell you what to do?’
This may be considered as one challenge to implementation of the peace agreeent. Another challenge could arise from the behavior of particular chiefs who were absent. This was noted and they were singled out for approaching directly as soon as possible to report the agreement and involve in the process. If such a diplomatic approach was to fail it was suggested that they be referred to the security forces to be dealt with via legal or military means. Perhaps the most vehement contribution came from the only female contributor on the day, Alice Yange of Mvolo, who referred to the freedom struggle against the Sudanese government and the current troubles in the dispute border area of Abeyi.
‘Shame on us, we fought for independence so we could have development and now we are burning each other’s huts! If anyone wants to fight, the chiefs should take all their names down and send them to Abiyei to fight.’
The role of Government and NGOs in supporting implementation was strongly emphasized by chiefs as was continued the need for humanitarian assistance from NGOs to be provided for IDPs and returnees, which will present a serious logistical challenge. Overall, this community driven meeting was a resounding success and has set a strong foundation the stage for continued progress. Doubtless there will be setbacks in the journey toward long term peace but the spirit of this meeting set a great precedet for the future.
Tuesday, 17 May 2011
Displacement and Aid
Peace Work has a strong values base and an intense, stimalating theroetical discourse, but at it's heart is the drive to alleviate human suffering and violence that results when effective means of resolving conflicts and transforming the context that produces them are absent.
Myself and an MRDA colleague spent two days in Kukori Payam, Mvolo county this week as part of an interagency team coordinated by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) working to complete an assessment of internally displaced people whose lives have been disrupted by the ongoing conflict on the border of Mvolo and Yirole West Counties.
This basically consists of interviewing villagers using a cumbersome and time consuming survey form, via a translator (or sometimes two given the variety of local languages. Juba Arabic is a good bridge between them where English is absent) OR, as most of us seemed to do, condensing the survey into 3 or 4 key questions and listening a lot more than one speaks, in order to get a fuller qualitative picture of the situation. This at least reduced both the the tedium and inconvenience both team and the displaced people experienced. Nonetheless it is still a shallow and extractive way of getting information.
Whilst the situation might leave something to be desired the mid-term outcome should be healthier and more secure households. Results will be used to plot the needs in the area for effective distribution of humanitarian aid to those most affected by the violence and displacement. The politics of how, when and why that aid gets deployed probably deserves another post of its own at at later date. I'll focus on what I was involved in as a snapshot of a (relatively) typical NGO activity.
We surveyed households to cross check an existing list taken by local authorities in order to ensure that support provided will be proportionate to the size and needs of the displaced population and also asked questions to gauge Human Security locally including access to clean water and sanitation, food, security from threat of violence and health.
In total our joint team, with representation from various national and international agencies, surveyed over 1000 households, totaling over 6000 people only a fraction of the estimated 20,000+ who are displaced within Western Equatoria as a result of this conflict. Reports from Lakes State indicate that the numbers there could be even higher. To give you an overview of the human impact of conflict, even one as localized and relatively small as this, I’ll share some anecdotal findings.
-Most of the 6000 people are sharing ONE borehole to access water, at least double the average demand. The borehole pump is likely to break soon if the current usage continues, leaving the IDPs without any access to drinkable water.
-The displaced families have no food, their stocks having been destroyed in raiding, and estimates suggest an average of 6-9 months of food has been lost, and more if they are unable to return to their land soon to plant. For communities whose existence depends on subsistence farming this is a major threat to their livelihoods and security.
-At present people are mostly eating cassava leaves and some nuts scavenged from the bush, some only once a day, and are often not eating at all. As they have no income travelling to the nearest safe and active market (itself a 28 KM round trip) to purchase even basic neccesities is not an option for most families. Save the Children made an assessment on the ground and identified numerous cases of malnutrition, at least one very severe, amongst children in Kukori.
-Many families have lost at least one member, either directly to fighting, or in the case of children, in the confusion of fleeing violence, they may have found their way to other IDP camps other side of the border but. The fear of violence at the border was the prime reason for their prescence there. Most of the men from these families were absent, possibly in the bush ready to fight again if neccesary, so the strain on women to act as heads of households is increased.
Reports now indicate that at least some of the promised 'neutral' army forces have been deployed to police the border. Even so the IDPs will also need logistical support (transport, armed and/or unarmed protection etc) and humanitarian aid upon their return to give temporary shelter and help them reconstruct their homes and livleihoods. Cruciually no amount of military prescence will tackle the underlying causes of the conflict that have seen similar situations occur, to various degrees of severity, for the past 5 years or so. In fact an increased militarisation of the situation may in the long run exacerbate cultural division and mistrust.
The cyle of violence on the Mvolo-Yirole border will continue to claim lives and disrupt communities for years to come without meaningful, committed dialogue between leaders and the communities at large. Tommorow in Mvolo is a chiefs meeting to move toward reconciliation; hopefully it will prove more substantive in its outcomes than those of recent years.
Monday, 9 May 2011
Moonlighting
I just wanted to share this guest blog I did for my colleagues in the British Youth Council MENA (Middle East and North Africa) Digital Dialogue project. It's about how the independence of South Sudan could affect water politics along the Nile.
http://gcmwatermena.blogspot.com/2011/05/water-sovereignty-and-self.html
Ps.I've also been signed up as a blogger at www.masterpeace.org . They are reposting some of my contributions from here but I'll be doing some unique ones there too.
http://gcmwatermena.blogspot.com/2011/05/water-sovereignty-and-self.html
Ps.I've also been signed up as a blogger at www.masterpeace.org . They are reposting some of my contributions from here but I'll be doing some unique ones there too.
Tuesday, 26 April 2011
RESOLUTIONS OF THE RECONCILIATION WORKSHOP IN MUNDRI 19TH TO 21ST APRIL 2011
PREAMBLE
A consultative workshop between Western Equatoria State and Lakes State organized and facilitated by Mundri Relief and Development Association (MRDA) was held in Mundri Town from 19th-21st April 2011, attended by MPs from both states, Executive members from Western Equatoria State, Chiefs, Elders and Women’s representatives from Mvolo county.
The speaker of Lakes State Legislative Assembly (LSLA) and the Deputy Speaker of Western Equatoria State (WES) led their respective delegations to the workshop.
The three commissioners of Mvolo, Mundri West and Mundri East Counties attended the workshop and contributed positively to the resolution of the conflict.
We the participants of the consultative workshop by the need to unify the people of Southern Sudan, reduce ethnic conflicts, the suffering of the displaced people and the humanitarian crisis caused as a result of interethnic have met in Mundri.
The workshop was cognizant of the previous Mvolo and Mapourdit resolutions of 18/02/2011 and 5/04/2011 respectively that formed the part of these resolutions.
Key presentations were delivered by Western Equatoria State, Lakes State and a Fact Finding team to the conflict from SSLA which gave useful recommendations towards the Mvolo-Yirol West Community Conflict.
During the three days of the workshop the participants explored the root causes of the current conflict andsought ways and means to bring the two communities of Mvolo and Yirol West to coexist and return to the previous status of peaceful living.
1. Immediate cessation of hostilities by deploying neutral forces along the borders of Kokori, Wowo, Bahr Grindi, Lual, Lessi, War Ayel as presented by the two governors to the president during the security briefing meeting held on 9th April 2011 with sufficient logistics to be supervised by GOSS.
2. Members of Parliament from the 2 states together with their chiefs and commissioners should go to their people to talk to them about peace
3. High level neutral investigation committee formed by the president to immediately start their work.
4. Organization of a reconciliation meeting at Mapourdit to be attended by chiefs, communities of respective counties supported by MRDA, Partners, GOSS, Civil Society and the Church.
5. Immediate provision of humanitarian assistance for 6 months by State governments, NGOS, Ministry of humanitarian affairs and disaster management and people of good will.
6. Immediate Comprehensive disarmament programme of civilians to be carried out all over south Sudan by the GOSS ministry of SPLA and veteran Affairs.
7. Formation of peace committees at the grass roots levels by the Peace Commission and partners.
8. Formation of a working group to review implementation of these resolutions on an ongoing basis, remaining in constant contact by phone, email etc and to meet as a whole after 3 months in Mundri to comprehensively evaluate implementation of resolutions. This group should comprise of 7 representatives of W.E Legislative Assembly,7 representatives of Lakes Legislative Assembly, 2 Members of South Sudan Legislative Assembly,1 from the office of the president and representatives of MRDA, Nonviolent PeaceForce, SONAD, Diocese of Mundri.
9. Formation of neutral civilian monitoring committees to spend time with both communities and report regularly to the working group.
A consultative workshop between Western Equatoria State and Lakes State organized and facilitated by Mundri Relief and Development Association (MRDA) was held in Mundri Town from 19th-21st April 2011, attended by MPs from both states, Executive members from Western Equatoria State, Chiefs, Elders and Women’s representatives from Mvolo county.
The speaker of Lakes State Legislative Assembly (LSLA) and the Deputy Speaker of Western Equatoria State (WES) led their respective delegations to the workshop.
The three commissioners of Mvolo, Mundri West and Mundri East Counties attended the workshop and contributed positively to the resolution of the conflict.
We the participants of the consultative workshop by the need to unify the people of Southern Sudan, reduce ethnic conflicts, the suffering of the displaced people and the humanitarian crisis caused as a result of interethnic have met in Mundri.
The workshop was cognizant of the previous Mvolo and Mapourdit resolutions of 18/02/2011 and 5/04/2011 respectively that formed the part of these resolutions.
Key presentations were delivered by Western Equatoria State, Lakes State and a Fact Finding team to the conflict from SSLA which gave useful recommendations towards the Mvolo-Yirol West Community Conflict.
During the three days of the workshop the participants explored the root causes of the current conflict andsought ways and means to bring the two communities of Mvolo and Yirol West to coexist and return to the previous status of peaceful living.
1. Immediate cessation of hostilities by deploying neutral forces along the borders of Kokori, Wowo, Bahr Grindi, Lual, Lessi, War Ayel as presented by the two governors to the president during the security briefing meeting held on 9th April 2011 with sufficient logistics to be supervised by GOSS.
2. Members of Parliament from the 2 states together with their chiefs and commissioners should go to their people to talk to them about peace
3. High level neutral investigation committee formed by the president to immediately start their work.
4. Organization of a reconciliation meeting at Mapourdit to be attended by chiefs, communities of respective counties supported by MRDA, Partners, GOSS, Civil Society and the Church.
5. Immediate provision of humanitarian assistance for 6 months by State governments, NGOS, Ministry of humanitarian affairs and disaster management and people of good will.
6. Immediate Comprehensive disarmament programme of civilians to be carried out all over south Sudan by the GOSS ministry of SPLA and veteran Affairs.
7. Formation of peace committees at the grass roots levels by the Peace Commission and partners.
8. Formation of a working group to review implementation of these resolutions on an ongoing basis, remaining in constant contact by phone, email etc and to meet as a whole after 3 months in Mundri to comprehensively evaluate implementation of resolutions. This group should comprise of 7 representatives of W.E Legislative Assembly,7 representatives of Lakes Legislative Assembly, 2 Members of South Sudan Legislative Assembly,1 from the office of the president and representatives of MRDA, Nonviolent PeaceForce, SONAD, Diocese of Mundri.
9. Formation of neutral civilian monitoring committees to spend time with both communities and report regularly to the working group.
Sunday, 24 April 2011
Meeting for Peace
This week I have been mostly supporting the organisation and running of a reconcilication workshop in Mundri. If you're slightly bemused as to what that might be, don't worry, you're surely not alone.
Since early February outbursts of armed violence have devastated communities on either side of the Lakes State-Western Equatoria State border, concentrated in the neighboring counties of Yirol West in Lakes and Mvolo, one of the three counties of Greater Mundri in W.E and the next county from the one where I reside. Yirol West is predominantly home to a section of the Dinka cultural group called Dinka Ajar, whereas Mvolo is mostly the residence of people from the Jur group.
To date over 50 people have been recorded as dead and thousands have been displaced, with their homes and property destroyed or stolen. Thus both states are facing internal crisis arising from displacement. There are scarce resources to accommodate or feed IDPs in the short term and with rainy season beginning if return is not possible soon livelihoods and food security will be severely undermined, as smallholders will not be able to reach their fields to plant, cultivate and reap crops for the rest of the year.
There are many competing views as to why and how this conflict has developed. Certainly a young Jur man was murdered on February 8th and his motorbike stolen. Whilst the contention is that Dinka from a local cattle camp are responsible no criminal investigation was undertaken before a deadly revenge attack on the camp claimed 8 lives the next day. A cycle of revenge has spun out of control since then. Other underlying factors could include longer term animosity resulting from cultural difference, particularly around livelihoods. Dinka are noted for keeping cows and leading pastoral lifestyles, herding their cattle to where there is sufficient water and fertile grassland to keep them healthy. Yirol is a more arid area than Mvolo and Dinka herds have traditionally moved back and forth across the border to access land and rivers in Mvolo, occasionally coming into contact with farmers who feel their land is being violated without permission and whose work is negatively affected as a result. It seems that intra-communal conflict was minimized throughout the liberation struggle 1983-2005 but after the signing of the CPA has resumed on a cyclical basis, with violence flaring during dry season, when cattle keepers are forced to travel farther afield in locating the water they need.
There are many other allegations as to larger political agendas behind both the launching and the continued fuelling of the conflict but little supporting evidence is forthcoming to support such claims. It is clear that military and police response to the situation has been insufficient. Forces deployed to secure the border have not made it to their intended destinations and have failed to provide sufficient protection to civilian populations that would allow them to return to their homes. One potential reason for this is the risk for forces of either state of being implicated as actors in the conflict if they cross the border.
There is a process in place between the two governors (the most senior executives at Federal level) to produce solutions to the conflict but so far this process has produced results only on paper. After their first meeting violence intensified so at the beginning of April a second meeting was convened and the Governors resolved to take 8 points for action to the Office of the President himself in order to appeal for support. This is particularly significant in that it opens the possibility of neutral security forces and investigators reaching the ground in the affected areas to enforce any ceasefire and begin a process of judicial investigation, above the authority of the local commissioners and even the governors themselves. The governors also committed to holding a reconciliation conference at the earliest opportunity. History tells us that many such conferences have been held in this region over the past five years, and none of the plans emerging from them have been implemented.
MRDA, as a humanitarian organization concerned for the peace and development of South Sudan as a whole, especially as independence approaches, decided to reach out to concerned parties and try and contribute to a resolution of the current conflict. During monitoring visits for another project over the past 6 weeks the director of MRDA and members of our team have visited officials in either state, including Governors, Deputy Governors, the Ministry for Peace and CPA Implementation and the elected Legislative Assemblies, to try and establish channels of communication between the two state administrations. Essentially we wanted decisionmakers and leaders in each state to reach out to one another and disuss their shared interest in ending the conflict, protecting civilians and finding the real root causes.
Our intention as a civil society organization was to supplement and strengthen the current high level process by establishing more dialogue at more levels, using the legislative assemblies of each state as an access point and potentially convening meetings before the high profile conference to improve relationships and increase the chances of practically workable agreements being produced at that stage. Crucially we hoped to eventually involved chiefs at local level and ultimately even young people from each area that are directly participating in the violence; fighting and dying.
Our meetings with MPs from both assemblies, including those representing the counties involved, saw many high emotions and aspersions cast against the other, but both sets of representatives ultimately also recognized the desperate need for peace and their own responsibility to play their part in working toward that peace. We were able to directly connect the Deputy Speaker of W.E and the Speaker of Lakes to discuss ways forward and after our second visit to Rumbek, the capital of Lakes, were given a mandate to mobilize a meeting (aka a 'reconciliation workshop') with MPs, chiefs and representatives of the executive from each state, as a first step toward the objectives of
• strengthening interstate dialogue,
• diagnosing the root causes of the conflict and
• planning toward action for a sustainable peace in the area.
With this understanding reached on April 10th, we were left with 9 days to actually make it happen. With a significant sacrifice of MRDA financial, physical and human resources this was made possible. Mundri was suggested by the Lakes assembly as a suitable venue, as it is the home of MRDA and we would be well equipped to arrange accomodation, food and venues for the discussions. We also involved international civilian peacekeeping organisation Nonviolent Peaceforce, who have an office in Mundri and have been working on this conflict also.
The Lakes delegation was eventually airlifted in by UNIMIS (United Nations Mission in Sudan) helicopter, reducing the size of their delegation, and they sent only MPs, which didn’t go down too well with the chiefs in attendance of Mvolo, who were expecting a face to face meeting with their counterparts from Yirol. Given that it was a day later than originally planned, and we had experienced an ill tempered and confused first day with the Western Equatorian delegation alone, bringing the two groups together face to face felt like a significant achievement, regardless of precise composition. Present to provide their input and welcome the visitors were numerous local dignitaries, including the Commissioners for Mundri West and Mundri East and Bishop Bismarck of Sudan Episcopal Church, who hosted some of the proceedings in their Mundri Church. A faith perspective was useful in grounding participants before discussion began and emphasizing their personal responsibilities as peacemakers.
Also represented was the National South Sudan Legislative Assembly, which had mandated an investigative team of its own. This team led by the Rt. Hon Joseph Njeri, reported back to delegates and set a very positive tone, focusing on facts, preempting and discounting many of the allegations that we had heard in private and urging all parties, especially those with influence at local levels, to take urgent action. He also particularly highlighted the role that arms proliferation plays nationally in exacerbating local conflicts and stated that GOSS should organize a national civilian disarmament programme without delay to improve security and reduce fatalities. In this specific conflict there is even evidence that heavy weapons have been somehow appropriated from government armories and used in attacking civilian settlements. Finally in attendance to demonstrate their concern and share views were the Deputy Governor of Western Equatoria state, their Minister for Local Government and Legal Enforcement and the State Security Advisor. The national print and broadcast media were also represented.
The structure of the workshop, truncated as it was, still featured many lengthy speeches, in a semi-formal fashion, with little time for deliberation or discussion. Proceedings felt more like a town hall meeting than a facilitated group process, as the MRDA director and Board Member for Peace, Dr, Wesley Natana, chaired a succession of prepared submissions before choosing a small working group to prepare resolutions. With so many dignities to afford time to in the schedule given the South Sudanese principle of ‘observing protocol’ the process was a long way from any that I am used to in terms of participation and facilitation. This means that essentially only the areas of broad agreement were explored in any depth, without sufficient space for the latent conflicts of interest and opinion to surface and be addressed. Given the time constraints upon us and the nature of the group this may have been a necessary omission, especially given that the first resolution was for MRDA and all concerned parties to mobilize for another meeting, this time with representation of chiefs from both sides, and establish a working group with representation from both states and civil society groups to review the implementation of the resolutions on an ongoing basis.
Logistically organizing an event like this is a serious challenge in of itself, but the true challenge is ensuring the best atmosphere and facilitation for a positive, honest and constructive conversation about the issues and the way forward. Thankfully in this instance this was achieved. Our task as an organization as we reflect and look to the next stage of this process is to frankly assess how we managed to successfully run this event and what our problems and shortcomings were in doing so. We will be asking ourselves what we can learn for next time to further strengthen the dialogue, making it as inclusive and meaningful as possible. In addition we should be looking, with civil society partners, beyond formally structured meetings like this to the opportunities to address on a longer term basis some of the underlying issues in the area via funded programmes. Regardless of how much kudos we may attain by taking our present role in this peace building process, if we fail to help stop the violence then our efforts are in vain.
Since early February outbursts of armed violence have devastated communities on either side of the Lakes State-Western Equatoria State border, concentrated in the neighboring counties of Yirol West in Lakes and Mvolo, one of the three counties of Greater Mundri in W.E and the next county from the one where I reside. Yirol West is predominantly home to a section of the Dinka cultural group called Dinka Ajar, whereas Mvolo is mostly the residence of people from the Jur group.
To date over 50 people have been recorded as dead and thousands have been displaced, with their homes and property destroyed or stolen. Thus both states are facing internal crisis arising from displacement. There are scarce resources to accommodate or feed IDPs in the short term and with rainy season beginning if return is not possible soon livelihoods and food security will be severely undermined, as smallholders will not be able to reach their fields to plant, cultivate and reap crops for the rest of the year.
There are many competing views as to why and how this conflict has developed. Certainly a young Jur man was murdered on February 8th and his motorbike stolen. Whilst the contention is that Dinka from a local cattle camp are responsible no criminal investigation was undertaken before a deadly revenge attack on the camp claimed 8 lives the next day. A cycle of revenge has spun out of control since then. Other underlying factors could include longer term animosity resulting from cultural difference, particularly around livelihoods. Dinka are noted for keeping cows and leading pastoral lifestyles, herding their cattle to where there is sufficient water and fertile grassland to keep them healthy. Yirol is a more arid area than Mvolo and Dinka herds have traditionally moved back and forth across the border to access land and rivers in Mvolo, occasionally coming into contact with farmers who feel their land is being violated without permission and whose work is negatively affected as a result. It seems that intra-communal conflict was minimized throughout the liberation struggle 1983-2005 but after the signing of the CPA has resumed on a cyclical basis, with violence flaring during dry season, when cattle keepers are forced to travel farther afield in locating the water they need.
There are many other allegations as to larger political agendas behind both the launching and the continued fuelling of the conflict but little supporting evidence is forthcoming to support such claims. It is clear that military and police response to the situation has been insufficient. Forces deployed to secure the border have not made it to their intended destinations and have failed to provide sufficient protection to civilian populations that would allow them to return to their homes. One potential reason for this is the risk for forces of either state of being implicated as actors in the conflict if they cross the border.
There is a process in place between the two governors (the most senior executives at Federal level) to produce solutions to the conflict but so far this process has produced results only on paper. After their first meeting violence intensified so at the beginning of April a second meeting was convened and the Governors resolved to take 8 points for action to the Office of the President himself in order to appeal for support. This is particularly significant in that it opens the possibility of neutral security forces and investigators reaching the ground in the affected areas to enforce any ceasefire and begin a process of judicial investigation, above the authority of the local commissioners and even the governors themselves. The governors also committed to holding a reconciliation conference at the earliest opportunity. History tells us that many such conferences have been held in this region over the past five years, and none of the plans emerging from them have been implemented.
MRDA, as a humanitarian organization concerned for the peace and development of South Sudan as a whole, especially as independence approaches, decided to reach out to concerned parties and try and contribute to a resolution of the current conflict. During monitoring visits for another project over the past 6 weeks the director of MRDA and members of our team have visited officials in either state, including Governors, Deputy Governors, the Ministry for Peace and CPA Implementation and the elected Legislative Assemblies, to try and establish channels of communication between the two state administrations. Essentially we wanted decisionmakers and leaders in each state to reach out to one another and disuss their shared interest in ending the conflict, protecting civilians and finding the real root causes.
Our intention as a civil society organization was to supplement and strengthen the current high level process by establishing more dialogue at more levels, using the legislative assemblies of each state as an access point and potentially convening meetings before the high profile conference to improve relationships and increase the chances of practically workable agreements being produced at that stage. Crucially we hoped to eventually involved chiefs at local level and ultimately even young people from each area that are directly participating in the violence; fighting and dying.
Our meetings with MPs from both assemblies, including those representing the counties involved, saw many high emotions and aspersions cast against the other, but both sets of representatives ultimately also recognized the desperate need for peace and their own responsibility to play their part in working toward that peace. We were able to directly connect the Deputy Speaker of W.E and the Speaker of Lakes to discuss ways forward and after our second visit to Rumbek, the capital of Lakes, were given a mandate to mobilize a meeting (aka a 'reconciliation workshop') with MPs, chiefs and representatives of the executive from each state, as a first step toward the objectives of
• strengthening interstate dialogue,
• diagnosing the root causes of the conflict and
• planning toward action for a sustainable peace in the area.
With this understanding reached on April 10th, we were left with 9 days to actually make it happen. With a significant sacrifice of MRDA financial, physical and human resources this was made possible. Mundri was suggested by the Lakes assembly as a suitable venue, as it is the home of MRDA and we would be well equipped to arrange accomodation, food and venues for the discussions. We also involved international civilian peacekeeping organisation Nonviolent Peaceforce, who have an office in Mundri and have been working on this conflict also.
The Lakes delegation was eventually airlifted in by UNIMIS (United Nations Mission in Sudan) helicopter, reducing the size of their delegation, and they sent only MPs, which didn’t go down too well with the chiefs in attendance of Mvolo, who were expecting a face to face meeting with their counterparts from Yirol. Given that it was a day later than originally planned, and we had experienced an ill tempered and confused first day with the Western Equatorian delegation alone, bringing the two groups together face to face felt like a significant achievement, regardless of precise composition. Present to provide their input and welcome the visitors were numerous local dignitaries, including the Commissioners for Mundri West and Mundri East and Bishop Bismarck of Sudan Episcopal Church, who hosted some of the proceedings in their Mundri Church. A faith perspective was useful in grounding participants before discussion began and emphasizing their personal responsibilities as peacemakers.
Also represented was the National South Sudan Legislative Assembly, which had mandated an investigative team of its own. This team led by the Rt. Hon Joseph Njeri, reported back to delegates and set a very positive tone, focusing on facts, preempting and discounting many of the allegations that we had heard in private and urging all parties, especially those with influence at local levels, to take urgent action. He also particularly highlighted the role that arms proliferation plays nationally in exacerbating local conflicts and stated that GOSS should organize a national civilian disarmament programme without delay to improve security and reduce fatalities. In this specific conflict there is even evidence that heavy weapons have been somehow appropriated from government armories and used in attacking civilian settlements. Finally in attendance to demonstrate their concern and share views were the Deputy Governor of Western Equatoria state, their Minister for Local Government and Legal Enforcement and the State Security Advisor. The national print and broadcast media were also represented.
The structure of the workshop, truncated as it was, still featured many lengthy speeches, in a semi-formal fashion, with little time for deliberation or discussion. Proceedings felt more like a town hall meeting than a facilitated group process, as the MRDA director and Board Member for Peace, Dr, Wesley Natana, chaired a succession of prepared submissions before choosing a small working group to prepare resolutions. With so many dignities to afford time to in the schedule given the South Sudanese principle of ‘observing protocol’ the process was a long way from any that I am used to in terms of participation and facilitation. This means that essentially only the areas of broad agreement were explored in any depth, without sufficient space for the latent conflicts of interest and opinion to surface and be addressed. Given the time constraints upon us and the nature of the group this may have been a necessary omission, especially given that the first resolution was for MRDA and all concerned parties to mobilize for another meeting, this time with representation of chiefs from both sides, and establish a working group with representation from both states and civil society groups to review the implementation of the resolutions on an ongoing basis.
Logistically organizing an event like this is a serious challenge in of itself, but the true challenge is ensuring the best atmosphere and facilitation for a positive, honest and constructive conversation about the issues and the way forward. Thankfully in this instance this was achieved. Our task as an organization as we reflect and look to the next stage of this process is to frankly assess how we managed to successfully run this event and what our problems and shortcomings were in doing so. We will be asking ourselves what we can learn for next time to further strengthen the dialogue, making it as inclusive and meaningful as possible. In addition we should be looking, with civil society partners, beyond formally structured meetings like this to the opportunities to address on a longer term basis some of the underlying issues in the area via funded programmes. Regardless of how much kudos we may attain by taking our present role in this peace building process, if we fail to help stop the violence then our efforts are in vain.
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