So I've just returned from a week in Perth, in Western Australia, attending the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting and the Commonwealth Youth Forum, where, at the invitation of the charity CYEC (Commonwealth Youth Exchange Council) I was a facilitator and speaker. Given the range of more grass roots, radical and potentially meaningful activities I could have been involved in during this time then was this anything more than an expenses paid jolly to sunnier climes as the British Winter bites? I hope so and in this piece will try and break down why I participate in Commonwealth related activities and what I've learnt through this particular experience.
Let's put it up front; this isn' the World Social Forum. On the other hand it's not the World Economic Forum either.... the Commonwealth is a visible legacy of colonialism, somewhat anachronistic and irrelevant to the lives of most of the citizens who, often unknowingly, reside within it. Initially formed as an extension of British 'soft' power in the immediate post-colonial period, it is stil subject to the accusation that the majority white and 'developed' ABC states (Australia, Britain and Canada)dominate the other members, mostly former British colonies from across Africa, Asia, the Carribean and the Pacific (with the relatively recent additions of Mozambique and Rwanda, removed from the UKs colnial sphere of control and willing applicants to join the modern organisation). The organisation still accepts the Queen as its symbolic head, enough to make some stalwart anti-imperialists balk. Furthermore despite equal decision making processes, regionalised operations and a commitment to strenghening intercultural exchange and development across all countries, this North-South multilateral body has little tangible influence or impact in international circles. So can the Commonwealth be another more than a talking shop and why work with its youth representatives?
Learning
Unlike for example, European Circles or open 'global' events, the balance of representation is weighted in favour of the the Global South and mixes people of distinctly different cultures and backgrounds. For me this is a far healthier space to address international issues than others that are typically eurocentric.For young people from some of the smaller states this may be the only international exposure and interaction they get a shot at. That should not be the case but the chance to maximise the positive impact of the experience for such participants is fantastic. Furthermore as a white European facilitator there is often far more challenge and learning to be derived from these spaces (though it does seem that class can be a more decisive or binding influence than others)and a lot of ones one assumptions and prejudices can be healthily addressed in the process. As is the case in most such events the most enlightening moments occur outside of the formal sessions, particularly those that are speaker driven and actively work against interaction between delegates. The thoughts, feelings and experiences of colleagues from four continents and the combined potential of all those stories and all the futures as yet unwritten is in of itself a truly common wealth. Furthermore for those of us who meet with Aboriginal artists and elders at Kidigo Arts Centre I feel that our experience was anchored by the stories they told of the Australian past and present and the art which we created together, giving a real sense of time and place beyond the confines of a hotel and stimulating deeper reflections on our relationships as individuals, peoples and nations.
Making it Meaningful
Some members take the commonwealth very seriously and invest heavily in youth representation at such events. There is little uniform process for the how and why of selection, appointment or election of the individuals who then come to repesent their country. Whilst some representatives are inevitably cherry-picked would be diplomats or politicans with quite an elitist approach, there is a wider range of alternative attitudes and experiences reflected. Many of those attending are solid activists seeking wider international platforms and far from uncritical of either their national governments or the commonwealth and its processes. The challenge is how to faciliate cross learning so that those willing to challenge power are more well equipped to do so in such a limited institutional space and that those coasting and enjoying the perks might have pause for reflection and at least be motivated to engage at the grass roots back home to justify their lofty mandates and, more ambitiously, share some of their power. democratic gaps can be magnified by the elitism of multilateral fora but the positive potential impact to be taken from them should not be underestimated.
Outcomes?
whilst there were fraught, tense discussions throughout this forum related to policies, processes and personalities alike the final communique agreed reflects a common position around one key ask to commonwealth heads of state; a development fund for small scale local action projects, with young people involved in the setting and management of budgets and the selection and evaluation of activities. this is a direct, detailed and realistic request that encompasses three key concerns that emerged during the week; the need to shift from 'youth voice' to youth action, the visibility and legitimacy of commonwealth projects amongst youth constituencies who should be engaged with them and the importance of allowing and encouraging the development and ownership of local approaches. The diverse challenges that the millions of young people across the commonwealth face; whether related to the environment, health, trade or conflict, have different characteristics and impacts. Young people in a tiny pacific state such as Tuvalu may well have a different experience of an issue to their peers in Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa. By supporting a range of relatively low cost pilots in many countries. Some will inevitably underachieve but the scope for tangible success and learning that can be shared across networks is high.
Reflections
I have many thoughts and criticisms regarding the process of this event but to dwell on them wouldn't serve much of a constructive purpose. At a minimum many delegates will come away with a more informed (and hopefully) empowered understanding of the challenges of dileberative democracy and participation. No one claimed that these things would be pretty or easy. My concern here is with the ultimate impact that could be the product of the impassioned arguments and sleepless nights this past week. The key thought I believe is at least partially addressed by this initiative is the catalysing of civil society, in the broadest sense, as part of commonwealth action and collaboration. for an institution that is claiming to be focused on reform and renewal
the commonwealth comes across as cumbersome, ineffcient and statist. unless ordinary citizens, and young people in particular, associate themselves with the larger community of commonwealth peoples, regardless of the position if their government, then efforts at cultivating solidarity, cooperation and development across members will fail. If funding and other support to independent, egalitarian and risk taking civil society groups is devolved then even if the bigger project of reinventing an aged organisation falters one hopes that the chances are there for a diversity of younger, dynamic and creative individuals, communities and movements to take steps forward in addressing the inequalities and injustices of our times.
I was lucky to get an invite to the event as a guest resource person and facilitator through the wonderful people at the Commonwealth Youth Exchange Council. Check them out at www.cyec.org.uk
Wednesday, 19 October 2011
Thursday, 13 October 2011
Jaevion Nelson Interview
Given the great privilege I've had in connecting with amazing, inspiring people in the UK and all over the world. Their struggles, ingenuity and creativity continue to challenge, inspire and motivate me personally. I wish to use this blog as a platform to share some of their stories and hopefully foster some new learning and connections.
First up Jaevion Nelson. I first connected with Jae when researching for the DfiD Youth Guidance Project (www.ygproject.org) and had the chance to meet him when he moved to the UK to study. Now back at home in Jamaica, Jae is working hard both nationally and internationally.
Who are you and where are you from?
I am Jaevion Nelson and I am from Jamaica.
What work do you do and why?
I do work around human rights and social justice for young people and vulnerable and marginalised groups of people. I do this because I am passionate about human social development and see my contribution as crucial to the advancement of the rights of persons in countries like my own.
What first motivated you to get involved in activism?
I can't recall, but I know when I was exposed to the policy and legal aspect of how countries are governed to the extent that I understood that it has significant implications on poor and voiceless people. I knew then, that this is important and should be the focus of my activism which I have now adopted as my career.
How has your upbringing in Jamaica shaped your approach to later life?
I grew up in rural Jamaica, in an extended family. During those days, I learned a lot about service from my maternal grandmother. I recall being asked to take food to an old man who lived by the train-line in a very dilapidated house. He was unknown to most of the community and had no family there. So it was from those days, that I developed the inclination to look out for those who need empowerment and help most desperately.
"The mere fact that we still have a representative of the Queen in Jamaica after 50 years of independence from Britain is evidence of our dependence on her."
Due to its colonial history Jamaica has strong links to the UK and US, what are the advantages and disadvantages of this in the present?
The views on such a question are quite mixed. Perhaps, I am one of few persons with very little perspective on this. Both relationships have proved worthwhile over the years. However, our colonial history has left a bitter sense of Jamaican pride in many people. There has been several geo-political advantages for both countries and there have been disadvantages too. The mere fact that we still have a representative of the Queen in Jamaica after 50 years of indenpendence from Britain is evidence of our dependence on her.
"Information Is Power"
You specialise in communications, how do you see the relationship between communications and development?
I wouldn't say I specialise in communications, but I do have an appreciation for its importance in keeping people informed and aware of progress in development. Information is power-- it exposes human beings to a whole world outside of what they interact with on a daily basis.
You work on HIV/AIDs locally and internationally. Tell me more about your role and what you are advocating for
My work with HIV and AIDS has been with the Jamaica Youth Advocacy Network (JYAN) -- much of which has been fostered through an effective partnership with Advocates for Youth, based on Washington DC. They have pretty much since 2008 become like a parent for JYAN, where sexual and reproductive health and rights of young people are concerned. We have also partnered with a number of other organisations, namely, Caribbean Vulnerable Communities Coalition, and a wide range of actors.
Some of the things we push internationally -- primarily increasing youth involvement in the global AIDS response (at all aspect). We call for funding, prioritization of key and affected populations of youth, better programmes, among others.
Another important part of my work, is advocacy around the human rights at most at risk populations, such as men who have sex with men. They bear the highest burden of HIV in Jamaica and so I think more people should begin to articulate the importance of providing services for these men. It is very dangerous and and I try not to publicize the more sensitive parts of my work like being sympathetic to MSM and sex workers and people living with HIV, but I measure the risk and carry on.
What has been your proudest achievement to date?
I don't have any one achievement because I have had several goals over the years, many of which I have been able to achieve. Some include an being a Chevening Scholarship recipient, Prime Minister Youth Awardee and something as simple as addressing delegates at a UN General Assembly meeting.
What is the biggest issue in Jamaican society at the moment that you would like to see addressed?
The disregard and lack of understanding about human rights and its impact on development.
I think one of the important thing to do is to include human rights education in the school curriculum. This will help people to know about their rights and the rights of the peers. Such an approach can help to reduce vigilante justice as people will understand, for example, the protections they have under the law from police abuse or what avenues there are for redress.
Well a massive thank you Jae. keep up the hard work!
Find out more at
http://www.advocatesforyouth.org
http://www.amplifyyourvoice.org/jamaica
First up Jaevion Nelson. I first connected with Jae when researching for the DfiD Youth Guidance Project (www.ygproject.org) and had the chance to meet him when he moved to the UK to study. Now back at home in Jamaica, Jae is working hard both nationally and internationally.
Who are you and where are you from?
I am Jaevion Nelson and I am from Jamaica.
What work do you do and why?
I do work around human rights and social justice for young people and vulnerable and marginalised groups of people. I do this because I am passionate about human social development and see my contribution as crucial to the advancement of the rights of persons in countries like my own.
What first motivated you to get involved in activism?
I can't recall, but I know when I was exposed to the policy and legal aspect of how countries are governed to the extent that I understood that it has significant implications on poor and voiceless people. I knew then, that this is important and should be the focus of my activism which I have now adopted as my career.
How has your upbringing in Jamaica shaped your approach to later life?
I grew up in rural Jamaica, in an extended family. During those days, I learned a lot about service from my maternal grandmother. I recall being asked to take food to an old man who lived by the train-line in a very dilapidated house. He was unknown to most of the community and had no family there. So it was from those days, that I developed the inclination to look out for those who need empowerment and help most desperately.
"The mere fact that we still have a representative of the Queen in Jamaica after 50 years of independence from Britain is evidence of our dependence on her."
Due to its colonial history Jamaica has strong links to the UK and US, what are the advantages and disadvantages of this in the present?
The views on such a question are quite mixed. Perhaps, I am one of few persons with very little perspective on this. Both relationships have proved worthwhile over the years. However, our colonial history has left a bitter sense of Jamaican pride in many people. There has been several geo-political advantages for both countries and there have been disadvantages too. The mere fact that we still have a representative of the Queen in Jamaica after 50 years of indenpendence from Britain is evidence of our dependence on her.
"Information Is Power"
You specialise in communications, how do you see the relationship between communications and development?
I wouldn't say I specialise in communications, but I do have an appreciation for its importance in keeping people informed and aware of progress in development. Information is power-- it exposes human beings to a whole world outside of what they interact with on a daily basis.
You work on HIV/AIDs locally and internationally. Tell me more about your role and what you are advocating for
My work with HIV and AIDS has been with the Jamaica Youth Advocacy Network (JYAN) -- much of which has been fostered through an effective partnership with Advocates for Youth, based on Washington DC. They have pretty much since 2008 become like a parent for JYAN, where sexual and reproductive health and rights of young people are concerned. We have also partnered with a number of other organisations, namely, Caribbean Vulnerable Communities Coalition, and a wide range of actors.
Some of the things we push internationally -- primarily increasing youth involvement in the global AIDS response (at all aspect). We call for funding, prioritization of key and affected populations of youth, better programmes, among others.
Another important part of my work, is advocacy around the human rights at most at risk populations, such as men who have sex with men. They bear the highest burden of HIV in Jamaica and so I think more people should begin to articulate the importance of providing services for these men. It is very dangerous and and I try not to publicize the more sensitive parts of my work like being sympathetic to MSM and sex workers and people living with HIV, but I measure the risk and carry on.
What has been your proudest achievement to date?
I don't have any one achievement because I have had several goals over the years, many of which I have been able to achieve. Some include an being a Chevening Scholarship recipient, Prime Minister Youth Awardee and something as simple as addressing delegates at a UN General Assembly meeting.
What is the biggest issue in Jamaican society at the moment that you would like to see addressed?
The disregard and lack of understanding about human rights and its impact on development.
I think one of the important thing to do is to include human rights education in the school curriculum. This will help people to know about their rights and the rights of the peers. Such an approach can help to reduce vigilante justice as people will understand, for example, the protections they have under the law from police abuse or what avenues there are for redress.
Well a massive thank you Jae. keep up the hard work!
Find out more at
http://www.advocatesforyouth.org
http://www.amplifyyourvoice.org/jamaica
Wednesday, 14 September 2011
Guest blogs and upcoming posts
Hi, check out a post I've got up on the www.masterpeace.org blog regarding the recent riots in England. Might have another up on South Sudan elsewhere soon that I will link to on here. I'm considering a change in format and content here too. Watch this space.
Saturday, 30 July 2011
Two New Nations
This represents one very subjective, specific and scrappy reflection on post-independence South Sudan, influenced by and penned during my own travels back to the UK. There is a broader piece coming, but the original version has been lost in transit. I'm currently rewriting to make i more relevant and contemporary. In the mean time I hope this is of interest.
In leaving one new country behind I passed through another. Egypt is experiencing a rebirth and it's future is being argued out by two parents; the supreme, authoritarian, paternalistic, conservative military and the street: outspken, contradictory, dynamic, RADICAL. The history of ages hangs around the city, the pyramids and tombs, the mosques, the monuments and, now, the graffiti of January 25th and the deluge thereafter. Tahrir Square remains an autonomous space, policedby the community, sweeling and cntracting as meetings and demonstrations emerge daily. Youthful exuberance and enthusiasm bounces around from the pubescent boys checking IDs at the entrances to the robed imams and the entrepeneurs selling coffee, water and t-shirts lauding the 'facebook revolution', fuelled by a continued sense of injustice and unfinished business. There is a hunger for genuine, lasting change in the country. The military government that replaced Mubarak have responded to some demands and stonewalled others as the Autumn elections creep closer. The continued use of military courts for civilians and hesitation to prosecute police responsible for beatings and killings during the first flushes of the revolution are particular points of contention at present. Nothing is settled and the pungent stench of sensibility hangs in the air just a strong as the perfume, shisha or sweage you might experience elsewhere on thestreets of Cairo depending upon which corner you turn.
The citizens of Egypt seem to have little conception of what's happening a couple of thousandmiles South where their neighbour Sudan, at one time in the not too distant past under the joint colonial rule of the UK and Egypt, has finally parted company with it's Southern region to create a brand new state, the Republic of South Sudan. Where Egypt has infrastructure, tourism and a major profile in both the Arab world and farthr afield 'ROSS' enters the world a fledging full of poential and posessed with it's own sense of liberation, after over fifty years of conflict and before that of imperialist occupation. Whilst South Sudan is keen to establish itself as an active member of the East African economic bloc it's people could do worse than establish dialogue with their peers in Egypt and other North African states as they face their own new dawns. One vacuum at present in South Sudan is the lack of vocal, critical civil society willing to take risks in engaging with government, something Egypt has clearly exhibited this year and that has even inspired some mobilisation in neighbouring East African states Uganda and Kenya.
Over the past two decades,with South Sudanese support united behind the militant resistance movement of SPLM/A, now the dominant political force, and against the common enemy in the North, there has been a lack of pluralistic political discourse. Of course in Egypt the nonviolence and immediacy of the revolution has seen its ambiguities played out live for the world to see; secular groups and Islamists, urbanite modernists and rural traditionalists, united in struggle and vocal in disagreement about the future to come. Over the long, bloody and dehabilitating struggle in South Sudan local groups and NGOs have been stretched to their limits providing essential services such as education and healthcare that a government, then absent, now established, should aguably take responsibility for, and have understandably focussed their efforts there rather than on ideological debate or advocacy. The South Sudanese government has an opportunity, and a right, to prove itself, and no-one is accusing Salva Kir of wanting to be a Hosini Mubarak or even a Youseveni Museveni quite yet, but without an informed and vocal citizenry pushing it on, and helping shape it's vision and culture, there is a serious risk that the existing corruption, repression and inequality in the country could become entrenched and intensifed over time.
Of course the histories and circumstances of Egypt and South Sudan differ widely. However the power of one party, the lack of a consensous over the validity and equality of the constitution and the the key role of the military in South Sudan, not to mention the keen interest and influence of major international players, not least of course modern day empire in the form of the US, are all characteristics shared with Egypt to some degree. As the South Sudanese government enters the world with a four year mandate, on top of five years as the interim administration, there is enough time for activists in the community, particularly those in potential powerful lobbies such as the church, to judge the governments intentions and performance and develop their critical voice. Ultimately this can only strenghen the nation as a whole.
Two key developments that could support this process are the development of a more incusive public sphere (political debate at present seems very Juba focussed and elitist) and a focus on basic literacy across the country. Now most areas do not get newspapers and rely on what radio coverage is available but should circulation increase as infrastructure for transport and commerce improves then the population needs to be able to read and engage with the issues. The elitism mentioned above could be a product of the heavily disrupted education system and the divide between those who were cut off from education during the conflict and those lucky enough to study at higher levels in the west or Khartoum. If the government wants a productive populace and a healthy challenge to keep it on it's toes a serious investment in mainstream and adult education is essential.If not then the onus is on the community to take responsibility for such change on it's own terms, which could set the stage for future confrontations with the state. A new country such as South Sudan, with all of it's internal divisions and insecurity, can ill afford such a divide between the people and the state at such an early stage.
In leaving one new country behind I passed through another. Egypt is experiencing a rebirth and it's future is being argued out by two parents; the supreme, authoritarian, paternalistic, conservative military and the street: outspken, contradictory, dynamic, RADICAL. The history of ages hangs around the city, the pyramids and tombs, the mosques, the monuments and, now, the graffiti of January 25th and the deluge thereafter. Tahrir Square remains an autonomous space, policedby the community, sweeling and cntracting as meetings and demonstrations emerge daily. Youthful exuberance and enthusiasm bounces around from the pubescent boys checking IDs at the entrances to the robed imams and the entrepeneurs selling coffee, water and t-shirts lauding the 'facebook revolution', fuelled by a continued sense of injustice and unfinished business. There is a hunger for genuine, lasting change in the country. The military government that replaced Mubarak have responded to some demands and stonewalled others as the Autumn elections creep closer. The continued use of military courts for civilians and hesitation to prosecute police responsible for beatings and killings during the first flushes of the revolution are particular points of contention at present. Nothing is settled and the pungent stench of sensibility hangs in the air just a strong as the perfume, shisha or sweage you might experience elsewhere on thestreets of Cairo depending upon which corner you turn.
The citizens of Egypt seem to have little conception of what's happening a couple of thousandmiles South where their neighbour Sudan, at one time in the not too distant past under the joint colonial rule of the UK and Egypt, has finally parted company with it's Southern region to create a brand new state, the Republic of South Sudan. Where Egypt has infrastructure, tourism and a major profile in both the Arab world and farthr afield 'ROSS' enters the world a fledging full of poential and posessed with it's own sense of liberation, after over fifty years of conflict and before that of imperialist occupation. Whilst South Sudan is keen to establish itself as an active member of the East African economic bloc it's people could do worse than establish dialogue with their peers in Egypt and other North African states as they face their own new dawns. One vacuum at present in South Sudan is the lack of vocal, critical civil society willing to take risks in engaging with government, something Egypt has clearly exhibited this year and that has even inspired some mobilisation in neighbouring East African states Uganda and Kenya.
Over the past two decades,with South Sudanese support united behind the militant resistance movement of SPLM/A, now the dominant political force, and against the common enemy in the North, there has been a lack of pluralistic political discourse. Of course in Egypt the nonviolence and immediacy of the revolution has seen its ambiguities played out live for the world to see; secular groups and Islamists, urbanite modernists and rural traditionalists, united in struggle and vocal in disagreement about the future to come. Over the long, bloody and dehabilitating struggle in South Sudan local groups and NGOs have been stretched to their limits providing essential services such as education and healthcare that a government, then absent, now established, should aguably take responsibility for, and have understandably focussed their efforts there rather than on ideological debate or advocacy. The South Sudanese government has an opportunity, and a right, to prove itself, and no-one is accusing Salva Kir of wanting to be a Hosini Mubarak or even a Youseveni Museveni quite yet, but without an informed and vocal citizenry pushing it on, and helping shape it's vision and culture, there is a serious risk that the existing corruption, repression and inequality in the country could become entrenched and intensifed over time.
Of course the histories and circumstances of Egypt and South Sudan differ widely. However the power of one party, the lack of a consensous over the validity and equality of the constitution and the the key role of the military in South Sudan, not to mention the keen interest and influence of major international players, not least of course modern day empire in the form of the US, are all characteristics shared with Egypt to some degree. As the South Sudanese government enters the world with a four year mandate, on top of five years as the interim administration, there is enough time for activists in the community, particularly those in potential powerful lobbies such as the church, to judge the governments intentions and performance and develop their critical voice. Ultimately this can only strenghen the nation as a whole.
Two key developments that could support this process are the development of a more incusive public sphere (political debate at present seems very Juba focussed and elitist) and a focus on basic literacy across the country. Now most areas do not get newspapers and rely on what radio coverage is available but should circulation increase as infrastructure for transport and commerce improves then the population needs to be able to read and engage with the issues. The elitism mentioned above could be a product of the heavily disrupted education system and the divide between those who were cut off from education during the conflict and those lucky enough to study at higher levels in the west or Khartoum. If the government wants a productive populace and a healthy challenge to keep it on it's toes a serious investment in mainstream and adult education is essential.If not then the onus is on the community to take responsibility for such change on it's own terms, which could set the stage for future confrontations with the state. A new country such as South Sudan, with all of it's internal divisions and insecurity, can ill afford such a divide between the people and the state at such an early stage.
Wednesday, 22 June 2011
Community Peace Dialogue
The most comprehensive peace agreement to date between representatives from Yirol West and Mvolo was made at a meeting on Monday 6th June in Mapuordit, which I attended as an observer in my capacity with MRDA.
Statements of reconciliation were witnessed by communities, army, police and NGOs and commitments were made by leaders from both sides including declaration of free movement across the border. Furthermore all involved committed on both sides to administrative and legislative implementation. The meeting was pushed forward by the expert facilitation of the Mapuordit Payam Administrator Benjamin Mayor Alony and Lieutenant John Aboke of the Joint Integrated Unit (JIU), with support from Nonviolent Peaceforce, an international NGO that helps make space for dialogue to promote peace.
The conflict between combatants from Yirol West and Mvolo counties has raged since early February, a cycle of revenge resulting in the deaths of at least 50 people and displacement of tens of thousands of either side of the border. Vital health and education services, as well as the livelihoods of thousands of cultivators, have been severely disrupted. MRDA held a workshop in April for representatives of Western Equatoria and Lakes states to discuss ways forward and has continued to follow peace efforts.
The JIU, based until recently in Khartoum, under terms of the CPA, are an elite military unit made up of Northern (SAF) and Southern (SPLA) Sudanese troops , reserved for addressing internal conflicts that might undermine peace and self-determination. Upon independence the unit will be formally dissolved and troops reintegrated into their respective armies. Southern units from JIU have already returned to South Sudan. Since Mid-May the JIU have had troops stationed either side of the Mvolo-Yirol West border and patrolled in an attempt to reduce violence and increase feelings of security amongst the community. Their deployment had been requested by the Governors of Western Equatoria and Lakes states. They have also reached out to Chiefs on either side to engage them in peacemaking efforts since arriving in the area.
A successful meeting between representatives from Mapuordit and Kokori Payams on June 1st ended with a commitment to a more inclusive meeting the following week. A boost was given to preparations to mobilize when Commander Mariel Deng Nyok, the head of national security for the whole of South Sudan, visited affected areas to reiterate the commitment of GOSS to achieving peace and security in Mvolo and Yirol West and to push the communities to honor their own responsibilities.
The meeting was originally scheduled to take place in the area of Gynop. At the suggestion of the Mvolo chiefs this was changed to Mapurdit, a location also consistent with the resolutions of the Governors meeting in March and the MRDA workshop in April, both of which identified Mapurdit as an ideal location for peace talks. Though the meeting was originally scheduled for Saturday, logistic difficulties presented proceedings going ahead until Monday afternoon, by which time each delegation had had time to prepare and dialogue informally. A large thunderstorm immediately preceded the opening of events and was noted by all involved as an auspicious omen for peace.
‘Anything we had, rain has washed away’
The key message taken away was that all present wanted peace and believed that it could be achieved with their partners from the other side. Complete freedom of movement across the border was declared. The conflicts that arise because of unregulated cattle movement were clearly and honestly mentioned and there was a commitment to draft a new local legislation that provides a framework for regulating movement fairly and transparently so that people who violate agreements can be held to account. It was determined that another, smaller meeting would take place in Mvolo the following week to work on the details of this law and action plan. One chief, Door Awou of Kathier, did mention the challenge of working with youth with arms proliferation so high compared to previous times.
‘If you carry a gun you consider yourself a chief, a president even. Then who can tell you what to do?’
This may be considered as one challenge to implementation of the peace agreeent. Another challenge could arise from the behavior of particular chiefs who were absent. This was noted and they were singled out for approaching directly as soon as possible to report the agreement and involve in the process. If such a diplomatic approach was to fail it was suggested that they be referred to the security forces to be dealt with via legal or military means. Perhaps the most vehement contribution came from the only female contributor on the day, Alice Yange of Mvolo, who referred to the freedom struggle against the Sudanese government and the current troubles in the dispute border area of Abeyi.
‘Shame on us, we fought for independence so we could have development and now we are burning each other’s huts! If anyone wants to fight, the chiefs should take all their names down and send them to Abiyei to fight.’
The role of Government and NGOs in supporting implementation was strongly emphasized by chiefs as was continued the need for humanitarian assistance from NGOs to be provided for IDPs and returnees, which will present a serious logistical challenge. Overall, this community driven meeting was a resounding success and has set a strong foundation the stage for continued progress. Doubtless there will be setbacks in the journey toward long term peace but the spirit of this meeting set a great precedet for the future.
Statements of reconciliation were witnessed by communities, army, police and NGOs and commitments were made by leaders from both sides including declaration of free movement across the border. Furthermore all involved committed on both sides to administrative and legislative implementation. The meeting was pushed forward by the expert facilitation of the Mapuordit Payam Administrator Benjamin Mayor Alony and Lieutenant John Aboke of the Joint Integrated Unit (JIU), with support from Nonviolent Peaceforce, an international NGO that helps make space for dialogue to promote peace.
The conflict between combatants from Yirol West and Mvolo counties has raged since early February, a cycle of revenge resulting in the deaths of at least 50 people and displacement of tens of thousands of either side of the border. Vital health and education services, as well as the livelihoods of thousands of cultivators, have been severely disrupted. MRDA held a workshop in April for representatives of Western Equatoria and Lakes states to discuss ways forward and has continued to follow peace efforts.
The JIU, based until recently in Khartoum, under terms of the CPA, are an elite military unit made up of Northern (SAF) and Southern (SPLA) Sudanese troops , reserved for addressing internal conflicts that might undermine peace and self-determination. Upon independence the unit will be formally dissolved and troops reintegrated into their respective armies. Southern units from JIU have already returned to South Sudan. Since Mid-May the JIU have had troops stationed either side of the Mvolo-Yirol West border and patrolled in an attempt to reduce violence and increase feelings of security amongst the community. Their deployment had been requested by the Governors of Western Equatoria and Lakes states. They have also reached out to Chiefs on either side to engage them in peacemaking efforts since arriving in the area.
A successful meeting between representatives from Mapuordit and Kokori Payams on June 1st ended with a commitment to a more inclusive meeting the following week. A boost was given to preparations to mobilize when Commander Mariel Deng Nyok, the head of national security for the whole of South Sudan, visited affected areas to reiterate the commitment of GOSS to achieving peace and security in Mvolo and Yirol West and to push the communities to honor their own responsibilities.
The meeting was originally scheduled to take place in the area of Gynop. At the suggestion of the Mvolo chiefs this was changed to Mapurdit, a location also consistent with the resolutions of the Governors meeting in March and the MRDA workshop in April, both of which identified Mapurdit as an ideal location for peace talks. Though the meeting was originally scheduled for Saturday, logistic difficulties presented proceedings going ahead until Monday afternoon, by which time each delegation had had time to prepare and dialogue informally. A large thunderstorm immediately preceded the opening of events and was noted by all involved as an auspicious omen for peace.
‘Anything we had, rain has washed away’
The key message taken away was that all present wanted peace and believed that it could be achieved with their partners from the other side. Complete freedom of movement across the border was declared. The conflicts that arise because of unregulated cattle movement were clearly and honestly mentioned and there was a commitment to draft a new local legislation that provides a framework for regulating movement fairly and transparently so that people who violate agreements can be held to account. It was determined that another, smaller meeting would take place in Mvolo the following week to work on the details of this law and action plan. One chief, Door Awou of Kathier, did mention the challenge of working with youth with arms proliferation so high compared to previous times.
‘If you carry a gun you consider yourself a chief, a president even. Then who can tell you what to do?’
This may be considered as one challenge to implementation of the peace agreeent. Another challenge could arise from the behavior of particular chiefs who were absent. This was noted and they were singled out for approaching directly as soon as possible to report the agreement and involve in the process. If such a diplomatic approach was to fail it was suggested that they be referred to the security forces to be dealt with via legal or military means. Perhaps the most vehement contribution came from the only female contributor on the day, Alice Yange of Mvolo, who referred to the freedom struggle against the Sudanese government and the current troubles in the dispute border area of Abeyi.
‘Shame on us, we fought for independence so we could have development and now we are burning each other’s huts! If anyone wants to fight, the chiefs should take all their names down and send them to Abiyei to fight.’
The role of Government and NGOs in supporting implementation was strongly emphasized by chiefs as was continued the need for humanitarian assistance from NGOs to be provided for IDPs and returnees, which will present a serious logistical challenge. Overall, this community driven meeting was a resounding success and has set a strong foundation the stage for continued progress. Doubtless there will be setbacks in the journey toward long term peace but the spirit of this meeting set a great precedet for the future.
Tuesday, 17 May 2011
Displacement and Aid
Peace Work has a strong values base and an intense, stimalating theroetical discourse, but at it's heart is the drive to alleviate human suffering and violence that results when effective means of resolving conflicts and transforming the context that produces them are absent.
Myself and an MRDA colleague spent two days in Kukori Payam, Mvolo county this week as part of an interagency team coordinated by the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) working to complete an assessment of internally displaced people whose lives have been disrupted by the ongoing conflict on the border of Mvolo and Yirole West Counties.
This basically consists of interviewing villagers using a cumbersome and time consuming survey form, via a translator (or sometimes two given the variety of local languages. Juba Arabic is a good bridge between them where English is absent) OR, as most of us seemed to do, condensing the survey into 3 or 4 key questions and listening a lot more than one speaks, in order to get a fuller qualitative picture of the situation. This at least reduced both the the tedium and inconvenience both team and the displaced people experienced. Nonetheless it is still a shallow and extractive way of getting information.
Whilst the situation might leave something to be desired the mid-term outcome should be healthier and more secure households. Results will be used to plot the needs in the area for effective distribution of humanitarian aid to those most affected by the violence and displacement. The politics of how, when and why that aid gets deployed probably deserves another post of its own at at later date. I'll focus on what I was involved in as a snapshot of a (relatively) typical NGO activity.
We surveyed households to cross check an existing list taken by local authorities in order to ensure that support provided will be proportionate to the size and needs of the displaced population and also asked questions to gauge Human Security locally including access to clean water and sanitation, food, security from threat of violence and health.
In total our joint team, with representation from various national and international agencies, surveyed over 1000 households, totaling over 6000 people only a fraction of the estimated 20,000+ who are displaced within Western Equatoria as a result of this conflict. Reports from Lakes State indicate that the numbers there could be even higher. To give you an overview of the human impact of conflict, even one as localized and relatively small as this, I’ll share some anecdotal findings.
-Most of the 6000 people are sharing ONE borehole to access water, at least double the average demand. The borehole pump is likely to break soon if the current usage continues, leaving the IDPs without any access to drinkable water.
-The displaced families have no food, their stocks having been destroyed in raiding, and estimates suggest an average of 6-9 months of food has been lost, and more if they are unable to return to their land soon to plant. For communities whose existence depends on subsistence farming this is a major threat to their livelihoods and security.
-At present people are mostly eating cassava leaves and some nuts scavenged from the bush, some only once a day, and are often not eating at all. As they have no income travelling to the nearest safe and active market (itself a 28 KM round trip) to purchase even basic neccesities is not an option for most families. Save the Children made an assessment on the ground and identified numerous cases of malnutrition, at least one very severe, amongst children in Kukori.
-Many families have lost at least one member, either directly to fighting, or in the case of children, in the confusion of fleeing violence, they may have found their way to other IDP camps other side of the border but. The fear of violence at the border was the prime reason for their prescence there. Most of the men from these families were absent, possibly in the bush ready to fight again if neccesary, so the strain on women to act as heads of households is increased.
Reports now indicate that at least some of the promised 'neutral' army forces have been deployed to police the border. Even so the IDPs will also need logistical support (transport, armed and/or unarmed protection etc) and humanitarian aid upon their return to give temporary shelter and help them reconstruct their homes and livleihoods. Cruciually no amount of military prescence will tackle the underlying causes of the conflict that have seen similar situations occur, to various degrees of severity, for the past 5 years or so. In fact an increased militarisation of the situation may in the long run exacerbate cultural division and mistrust.
The cyle of violence on the Mvolo-Yirole border will continue to claim lives and disrupt communities for years to come without meaningful, committed dialogue between leaders and the communities at large. Tommorow in Mvolo is a chiefs meeting to move toward reconciliation; hopefully it will prove more substantive in its outcomes than those of recent years.
Monday, 9 May 2011
Moonlighting
I just wanted to share this guest blog I did for my colleagues in the British Youth Council MENA (Middle East and North Africa) Digital Dialogue project. It's about how the independence of South Sudan could affect water politics along the Nile.
http://gcmwatermena.blogspot.com/2011/05/water-sovereignty-and-self.html
Ps.I've also been signed up as a blogger at www.masterpeace.org . They are reposting some of my contributions from here but I'll be doing some unique ones there too.
http://gcmwatermena.blogspot.com/2011/05/water-sovereignty-and-self.html
Ps.I've also been signed up as a blogger at www.masterpeace.org . They are reposting some of my contributions from here but I'll be doing some unique ones there too.
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