I had my first proper trip to Juba last weekend where I was able to take it in during day and night time. It has a lot more amenities and the bustle of a city and its exponential growth can be felt as you approach it, with more and more informal settlements being built on the outskirts. There is a real sense of industry and brick factories, metal workshops, mechanic etc all over the place there though it seems most of the real resources are still with outside agencies. There are consulates, NGO offices and UN agencies all around. I met a few British Ex Pats at one of the hotel/bars that do a roaring trade serving to accommodate (mostly) the many Europeans or Americans on visits or postings. The presence of their international staff plus Juba’s position as seat of central government probably contributes to the diversity of the populace. Styles of dress vary much more and there is an obvious presence both of South Sudanese of all peoples, and Northerners. I met with Silas Sworo Jo Jo, who has been running the Kimu Charitable Society in Khartoum and now in Juba, for many years, providing vital healthcare and education services to refugees. I also met with Moses Monday John, director of SONAD (Sudanese Organisation for Nonviolence and Democracy) whom I intend to visit in more depth soon as we have much to learn from them in implementing our plans for peace work trainings in Western Equatoria.
I also had the opportunity to meet the soon to be ambassador to Zambia, a Muro guy from Mundri, and was struck once again by the slightly surreal nature of living in a state in waiting. As of July 9th not only will GOSS offices abroad become embassies and consulates, requiring Ambassadors, High Commissioners and so on, but every other aspect of government will be, for the first time, under the direct administration of GOSS. Last week the name and flag of the new state were decided. South Sudan is officially to be called the Republic of South Sudan (ROSS…like Kemp) and the SPLM flag will be adopted as the official ROSS standard. That last point raises an issue I’m struggling to get my head around. The birth of a new state is sure to be messy in some regards. Below I try and make sense of some of my thoughts so far about post-independence governance in ROSS.
Power, Politics and Participation
The new country will likely have the constitutional foundations of a multi-party democracy (there is a committee sitting to review the provisional constitution in preparation for the drafting of new legislation in time for July) and, at least in theory, will be committed to protecting and promoting pluralism in the political sphere, and yet SPLM absolutely dominates every aspect of political life. There ARE other parties, both those who already have a power base in Northern Sudan and newer groupings who are spilt from the SPLM over time, but there representation and visibility is next to none. The future possibilities for a more competitive political climate are uncertain at this time.
The SPLM are, of course, credited with the liberation of the South, although the pursuit of full independence as a position developed over time after attempts at achieving equality within a unified Sudan rather than being the founding goal of the movement. In this however they are almost an extension of the people. The SPLA and SPLM became the vehicle for the wider interests of the Southern Sudanese, which meant fighting on the military and political fronts and eventually negotiating peace with the Government of National Unity in Khatortum under the CPA and working to create the conditions for the independence referendum to proceed safely. In transitioning from guerilla fighters to politicians and civil servants SPLM representative have had a steep learning curve, attempting to build a viable structure for national and regional governance as well as move the party toward electoral success. This dual role has also given them a massive advantage in those elections as the incumbent power and is likely to do so once again in fresh elections that will take place soon after independence. Likewise, whilst GOSS was responsible for administering the referendum to decide the fate of the South, the SPLM was vociferously campaigning to back one option. Neither of these situations are entirely unusual (though the referendum is certainly an incredibly rare occurrence globally) and it would be fair to say that the SPLM has earned its mandate to date, given the incredible sacrifice made in the struggle. Post independence however there is a danger that the leadership of the party may use their roles to consolidate, if not their personal power, then certainly the supremacy of the party. There are varying examples in Africa of the use and misuse of electoral systems to validate a dictatorial party or individual. One positive example in recent times has been that of the ANC in South Africa, which remains dominant in many regards but is held in check by the strength of the constitution that they had a hand in drafting as well as the industry of an active media and civil society. Another more worrying example would be that of Museveni and the NRM party in Uganda (a neighbor of South Sudan) who won another large electoral victory of questionable legitimacy this week after over two decades in power, having originally liberated the country by armed force.~
Post Independence direction
Furthermore when one asks anybody as to the vision of the party for South Sudan beyond the achievement of independence, there are often awkward silences and scratched heads. I cannot yet grasp a clear ideological agenda on the part of the leadership that is shaping economic and social development policies (SPLM had some Marxist influences at its inception that appear to have fallen by the wayside through the protracted conflict and contemporaneous world events like the breakup of the Soviet Union). Leading a new state that will face so many challenges and in some quarters, expectations of failure, is a massive responsibility and not one that can be assumed lightly. Therefore there should be a rich intellectual and political debate within the party as to the way forward, particularly on how the Nation can build an inclusive identity that can unify its diversity of new citizens. In the immediate future negotiations over the outstanding aspects of the CPA; border demarcations, the Nationality of Abeyi which is mandated its own referendum, separate ‘popular consultations’ with the communities of Blue Nile and Kordofan, and then the large issue of reintegrating returning refugees and IDPs (internally displaced people) who are flocking back to the South will surely occupy much of the attention of GOSS but the unique opportunity the new set up presents demands long term vision in addition to an aptitude for political fire fighting.
The Rentier Economy
I have already heard a number of stories about misappropriation of government resources by officials. With many large national infrastructure projects sure to roll out over the next decade or so and over 90% of government revenues currently derived from natural resources, in particular oil,* the danger of resources disappearing into private bank accounts is high and an unfair distribution of oil wealth would surely ramp up existing tensions at local level. If they so wished unscrupulous individuals within the government system could learn from the examples of politicians and civil servants in numerous other states how to enrich themselves at the expense of the populace. There are certain to be foreign figures waiting in the shadows to exploit this possibility for the benefit of their own interests. The demonstration of strong values of transparency and accountability from the top of the political food chain is a must as well as the creation of space for the people to challenge and overturn corrupt practices. In addition to vigilance, invention will be demanded to diversify the economy away from this dependence in future.
Dissenting Voices
state of ROSS will surely hold security as a key priority. The Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda are still active in the South and there are a number of armed factions in various states who are or could take up arms to destabilise the new government. It may perhaps be difficult to promote a culture of difference and debate politically or a culture of securitization prevails. The distinction between legitimate dissent and criminal activity will need to be very clear in order to allow the peaceful resolution of conflicts in the political arena. An embattled but still dominant SPLM could, in future, also choose to make dissent of any kind very difficult, especially given that most of the army and much of the police will be constituted of former SPLA fighters, not only likely to be instinctively loyal to the regime but coming from a culture of fighting to survive in very volatile situation, without a grounding in the finer points of, for example, due legal process. Again, constitutionally the new country will hold a commitment to respecting, protecting and promoting Human Rights, including that of Participation, it is important that the leadership realize this commitment in concrete action and model an example for all services to follow.
The Upside
To balance this critique I can also offer a few counter points. Firstly I would reiterate the steps taken in drafting provisional and temporary legislation the commitment to diversity, inclusion and transparency that has been demonstrated by Southern policy makers. In my opinion these steps have not only been taken to satisfy the diktats of the watching international community, but to create the infrastructure for a political culture that stands in marked difference to the characteristics of the neighboring regime in the ‘old’ Sudan (not to suggest that Southern politicians in the North have been beyond reproach), That these qualities are not yet fully reflected in practice is understandable at this stage.
Secondly, government or political parties alone will not achieve the growth of a political culture in South Sudan. Civil Society to date has been understandably focused on providing relief and development services to a population often cut off entirely from public goods. As the newly independent state comes to control its own budget, rather than having to wait on funds drip fed from Khartoum, then civil society organizations may find more value in shifting their focus toward advocating for the effective distribution of those resources and the development of plans and activities to develop state provision of Education, Healthcare and so on.^ The independent media is also a nascent force, though with little reach beyond big towns (there is one government TV channel and one national radio station run by the UN so print media is the most reliable force). Furthermore the enshrined power of traditional authorities, particularly Chiefs, though weakened by the disruptions of conflict, has by no means disappeared, and has been assured thus far of protections by GOSS. Thus there will remain an established counterweight of authority to the central government at local level even as local democratic structures and civil society develop.
Finally I would suggest that the lack of strong ideological inclination within the SPLM is reflective not of conservatism or intellectual bankruptcy but of its inclusivity. As a movement with a focused goal it has fostered partnership between diverse communities in the pursuit and ultimately achievement of that goal. Once independence is official that diversity may result in some interesting and exciting new directions. Amongst those people I have met so far in my time are many articulate, independent and critical individuals who are well equipped to push for positive change, whether within the existing party framework or outside of it. Some have even suggested that SPLM will slowly disintegrate over time into smaller and more cohesive political groupings. Whilst there is a risk of those groupings reflecting other cultural divisions within the South this might be a broadly positive development if the SPLM proves slow to respond to internal debate and critique. As with so much, it is too early to tell what will happen.
In conclusion
All of this might sound pretty critical, given that the country is not even independent yet! No individual or party is perfect and the SPLM representatives in GOSS are making large strides in a short time as the day of reckoning itself approaches. They deserve the breathing space to build a truly autonomous and representative. The achievement of independence is generally seen as one step in a bigger process, that of realizing the full potential of Southern Sudanese people and giving them a fair opportunity to develop themselves. The efforts and sacrifices needed to reach this point are in no way to be underestimated or denigrated and indeed should be applauded. More importantly these are strictly personal, and thus flawed, observations based on my own limited experience of South Sudan so far. I very much hope to continue learning from my interactions with friends and colleagues here and from the work we are undertaking and to contribute as much as possible to the resolution of some of these fascinating, but more importantly crucial questions.
On another note…Mango season is fast approaching. I am very excited at the prospect.
Footnotes
~There are arguments to suggest that many states that run elections are less politically fair or representative than some that are effectively controlled by one individual or party, especially where the introduction of liberal democratic systems is not combined with inclusive economic development. In Africa both Tanzania and Zambia were effectively one party states for many years after achieving independence, under their leaders Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, and each achieved substantial gains in building their Nations. Check out ‘War, Guns and Votes’ (Oxford 2009) by Paul Collier for some interesting observations on democracy. As a cautionary note in assessing or comparing politics in Africa it is important to emphasise that in the immediate post colonial period the influence of the Cold War and its key player on development (or lack therof) was massive.
*Research indicates that where the majority of a countries economic base comes from natural resources corruption can become more widespread and a ‘rentier economy’ develops (as can be found in Sudan at present). This process is often stimulated by the actions of external states and companies seeking a short cut to gain concessions for the exploitation of those resources. Professor Kenneth Omeje authored an informative paper on this issue last year ‘Dangers of splitting a fragile rentier state: Getting it right in Southern Sudan’. This is available from the African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) at www.accord.org.
^Proposals MRDA have pending at present include activities to strengthen the voice of local civil society in the political arena. Ironically a factor that might undermine this process is the influence of international NGOs and Development Agencies (such as DfID, the British government Department for International Development) and their own agendas. Given that they hold many times more resources than local civil society groups GOSS may be pressured into executing plans more shaped by opinion in Washington, London and Geneva than by grass roots voices in South Sudan itself. Local NGOs, to varying degrees also hold relationships with those same agencies and may be able to engage in positive dialogue on such issues with them.
Friday, 25 February 2011
Tuesday, 15 February 2011
Kedeba Reflections
On Thursday evening I got back from four days in Kedeba, centre of the Mundri East county, where three colleagues (Kpichwa Sismayo, Voice Chance and Eric Jaffara) and I had delivered a training workshop for people elected the brand new county council there. Whilst only about thirty five miles from Mundri, Kedeba is almost two hours across painfully bumpy dirt roads by jeep. And despite being the local administrative hub, its infrastructure makes Mundri look like a metropolis. The hospitality, warmth and passion for change shown by the councilors and council staff however, was fantastic.
Until the 2010 elections electoral democracy had been largely alien to the South. The last contested elections had taken place in 1986 so an entire generation of people who were either under 18 years of age or not yet born at that point, had been disenfranchised. Now the GOSS, under pressure from aid donors and keen to justify its impending statehood, is implementing the features of a Westminster style system, including a commitment to decentralized governance, with some provision made to integrate local traditional structures into the state. Previously civil servants called Boma administrators dealt with all government matters at village level in South Sudan and local Chiefs (formerly appointed by hereditary birthright and still a lifelong position, if now elected) dispensed justice. Now each and every Boma is mandated to elect a councilor every four years, with representation in the county Legislature.
Our training was a modest introduction to local government, governance, democracy and anti corruption (Sudan is routinely cited as in the ‘bottom 10’ most corrupt countries in the world. The factors contributing to this in the South mainly relate to a lack of infrastructure and accountability, issues GOSS is now actively tackling). Many of the participants in our training, their lives disrupted by Northern oppression and civil war, have never experienced the privilege of a settled, peaceful life. Like so many Southern Sudanese, people in Kedeba had spent many years of their adult lives hiding in the bush in order to avoid Northern soldiers, walking great distances daily and going days at a time without food or water, or in refugee camps and temporary homes in Khartoum, Ethiopia, Kenya or Uganda.
For their sacrifices and those in the war fought by the SPLA to have borne fruit in the CPA, the referendum and now separation is the achievement of a lifetime for many, the liberation that they have suffered for, and that many of their friends and family have paid the ultimate price for. Therefore the opportunity to contribute to the building of their new nation as elected officials is seen as a great honor and responsibility.
The significance of the situation was underlined further when the official Referendum results were announced in the week, with an absolute landslide of over 99% voting for Seperation from the North. The televised ceremony featured lengthy congratulatory contributions from EU, UN and African Union representatives but the result was all that is important to the Southern Sudanese. The mood of quiet jubilation was tempered later in the week by the shocking news of the assassination of a the GOSS Minister for rural development, Jimmy Lemi, In Juba. The councilors remained steadfast in their own resolve to give their all for the good of their communities.
We were engaged to deliver sessions on the democracy, good governance, local government and corruption (perceived as a major potential threat to the effective running of South Sudan). That’s quite a lot of ground to cover in a degree, let alone a four day course! However, we were focused in our work and both the process and the end results felt very positive. Furthermore my Moro language skills developed a bit over the course of the workshop and I learnt a massive amount about the ground level challenges faced by communities across East Mundi, so it was educational for me too!
The challenges the councilors will face in their roles are large. The local economy is small and most children never complete secondary education. Health facilities are limited and local girls walk for hours each day to fetch fresh water for their households. Furthermore many of the educated and successful migrate to better connected and resourced areas to seek their fortune. There is much confusion and corruption in local affairs of state. As the new legislature introduced to balance out the powers of the executive, councilors will have to deal with officials and chiefs used to doing things their way and unused to being accountable to others. Also the expectations of citizens to deal with problems such as lack of health and education services, communication infrastructure and abuse of the justice system may fall heavily on councilors.
Part of our training focused on empowering the community as active partners in the development process so that councilors could better support them and their workload is shared across their constituencies. We did our best to introduce practical tools that could be used to facilitate this, drawing upon the PRA (participatory rural appraisal) techniques pioneered by Robert Chambers, amongst others from both the Global North and South.
With so much to cover in so little time it was inevitable that there would be some themes left to build upon but the hunger for more from participants was overwhelming. Often in training you encounter jaded ‘professional’ workshop participants, who seem to have little time between conferences and junkets to practically apply anything they may have learnt. Mundri East is a world removed from that realm. This emphasizes the obligation to serve attendees of such training in the best way possible. To be invited to support these communities to develop themselves is not only a privilege, but a serious responsibility.
In the months to come as we work with other local officials, chiefs, young people and community groups in awareness raising and training activities I hope to not only develop my language skills to be able to do the work in the language of the people, but to gain a much better understanding of local realities to ensure that I am fulfilling my personal responsibility to the fullest extent.
During our time in Kedeba we also visited local youth who work with KAYA (Kedeba Active Youth Association) to discuss their concerns for the area. There is little to no engagement at present between youth groups and the government. With a massive under 30s population a proactive, clear and participatory strategy to engage young people actively in nation building and meet their needs for recreation, skills development and education, is a must. However with so many other competing priorities on the part of the state, where and when such outreach will emerge is questionable. Youth organizations for their part, on my initial assessment, whilst well placed to deliver effective programmes, have yet to develop advocacy skills in order to influence policy makers and articulate their demands. This area is one I am keen to explore with MRDA in the months to come.
Monday, 31 January 2011
Arrival!
A brief addition to say that I have arrived safe in Mundri after an overnight stay in Juba and drive back into Western Equatoria, via a couple of field centres providing health and agricultural development services AND to acknowledge the initial referendum result of 99.57% FOR Secession. Once the Sudanese government in Khartoum has also verifed this (within a fortnight) then Independence is fully official. An auspicous occasion to arrive in what will be the world's 193rd country.
I met a senior GOSS (Government of Southern Sudan) lawyer last night and talked constitutional accountability and nation building over wonderful fresh fish and tea as well as reconnecting with my friend Light. I stayed at one of the blocky two storey hotels that have sprung up predominantly to serve NGO workers. It is situated on the banks of the Nile so I was priveleged to take in the wonder of the river early this morning. I met the chairman of MRDA in Juba and the team I will be placed with (formerly Civic Education and now becoming Peace and Democracy Studies)for introductory chats, now I am on my way to the guest house that will be my home for the immediate future.
The lack of infrastructure and underdevelopment that caused so much resentment in the South is immediately apparent from the airport on and the roads outside Juba are in some places barely functional. Juba by night is a very very dark place but there are shops of all persuasions and some bars lining the roadside for miles. Also the sheer scale of the country is striking. So much of the land is unpopulated and the expression 'off the beaten track' has taken on a new resonance for me. Mundri and the surrounding area is more lush in terms of vegetation and milder in Climate than Juba and there are rivers cutting across the bush at occasional intervals.
I'm off to enjoy the evening.Salam!
Sunday, 30 January 2011
On the threshold
The title could easily refer to Southern Sudan itself, with preliminary referendum results due tomorrow, two weeks after polls closed*. In reality I'm referring to my own infinitely more modest journey. After a week in Nairobi, book ended by a couple of hours in Cairo airport and some time in an Addis Ababa hotel (an unexpected inclusion on my flight itinerary) I will reach Juba in around five hours. Another five hours by road and finally I should be in Mundri.
Perhaps deliberately I have kept extremely busy in Nairobi and rarely allowed myself time to reflect upon the work ahead, other than to see through the practical process of obtaining a permit to enter the country (the main objective of my stay). Instead I have been meeting new friends (made possible partially by the ever durable magic of social networking) exploring bookshops, bars and parks Up and Down Town and visiting projects and people in different corners of the city, including the so-called 'superslum' of Kiberia, the largest informal settlement in the world, originally begun by Nubians displaced from Egypt and Sudan by the colonial authorities and still three quarters Muslim. I also had the privilege of meeting youth workers experienced at different levels and in different areas of the city, all committed to genuine youth participation and working hard to promote good practices in a difficult political environment.
My time in the city and the breadth of my wandering has been so brief as to only allow the most superficial of investigation and reflection. Nonetheless I have a few thoughts to share.
The pace of life in Nairobi matches its reputation as a business and political centre. It is a metropolis matching London for the intensity of movement and activity in all areas, though lacking some of the sophistication of London's transport system (yes this week I have MISSED TFL! Especially when stuck in or choked by the fumes from the rush hour traffic). This struck me much more than the pace of life in Cape Town and Abuja when I visited last year. Of course both rich and poor here are overwhelmingly Black African, regardless of their regional or ethnic origin, with Mzungus such as myself mostly only tourists. Whilst there are still rich white landowners hanging around from the colonial period there colour bar is not as much of an obvious barrier as in the Post Apartheid South Africa. Inequality and ethnic tension are more immediately striking issues.
Reminiscent of my experience in the Dominican Republic, Kenyans HUSTLE HARD. Confronted by mass poverty but equipped with entrepreneurial spirit and drive the evidence of the ingenuity, creativity and hard work of the people is here in abundance. And whilst obvious inequality is also everywhere, there is a genuine interest and investment in political change and accountability that demonstrates recent progress since the violent events of the 2008 election period. With new elections next year and a brand new constitution in its first stages of implementation, not to mention fierce debate over International Criminal Court proceedings against individual politicians marked as ringleaders of the murderous 2008 mobilizations, there is an active political culture. I attended one free event at City Hall^ with hundreds of young people from around the city speaking out on Governance, Peace Work, Economic Development and the Environment. Local groups are also pushing the government to implement it's National Youth Policy and build an effective, representative National Youth Council. These are all encouraging movements. People here are also watching keenly the news from North Africa, not just the Sudanese referendum but the massive milestones in Tunisia, Egypt and farther afield.
Finally two things that Kenyans love that I hold in common with them...Football and Reggae! Both are everywhere, energizing and enriching the city and stoking energetic debate and demonstration. I have been lucky enough to both go to a Dancehall club in the city and watch an African Champions league match. Unfortunately the Kenyan Military team Ulizini Stars was comprehensively routed four goals to nil by the classy Zamalek, of Egypt*, but at least I was able to see some live football in Africa, having missed the opportunity to go to the World Cup last year. Such indulgences may be few and far between over the months ahead so I am eminently grateful top my newfound friends in Kenya for making the past few days so enjoyable and thought provoking.
^Organised by this team http://nairobi.cityyouthcentre.org/index.php?id=1339
*http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport2/hi/football/africa/9380861.stm
Perhaps deliberately I have kept extremely busy in Nairobi and rarely allowed myself time to reflect upon the work ahead, other than to see through the practical process of obtaining a permit to enter the country (the main objective of my stay). Instead I have been meeting new friends (made possible partially by the ever durable magic of social networking) exploring bookshops, bars and parks Up and Down Town and visiting projects and people in different corners of the city, including the so-called 'superslum' of Kiberia, the largest informal settlement in the world, originally begun by Nubians displaced from Egypt and Sudan by the colonial authorities and still three quarters Muslim. I also had the privilege of meeting youth workers experienced at different levels and in different areas of the city, all committed to genuine youth participation and working hard to promote good practices in a difficult political environment.
My time in the city and the breadth of my wandering has been so brief as to only allow the most superficial of investigation and reflection. Nonetheless I have a few thoughts to share.
The pace of life in Nairobi matches its reputation as a business and political centre. It is a metropolis matching London for the intensity of movement and activity in all areas, though lacking some of the sophistication of London's transport system (yes this week I have MISSED TFL! Especially when stuck in or choked by the fumes from the rush hour traffic). This struck me much more than the pace of life in Cape Town and Abuja when I visited last year. Of course both rich and poor here are overwhelmingly Black African, regardless of their regional or ethnic origin, with Mzungus such as myself mostly only tourists. Whilst there are still rich white landowners hanging around from the colonial period there colour bar is not as much of an obvious barrier as in the Post Apartheid South Africa. Inequality and ethnic tension are more immediately striking issues.
Reminiscent of my experience in the Dominican Republic, Kenyans HUSTLE HARD. Confronted by mass poverty but equipped with entrepreneurial spirit and drive the evidence of the ingenuity, creativity and hard work of the people is here in abundance. And whilst obvious inequality is also everywhere, there is a genuine interest and investment in political change and accountability that demonstrates recent progress since the violent events of the 2008 election period. With new elections next year and a brand new constitution in its first stages of implementation, not to mention fierce debate over International Criminal Court proceedings against individual politicians marked as ringleaders of the murderous 2008 mobilizations, there is an active political culture. I attended one free event at City Hall^ with hundreds of young people from around the city speaking out on Governance, Peace Work, Economic Development and the Environment. Local groups are also pushing the government to implement it's National Youth Policy and build an effective, representative National Youth Council. These are all encouraging movements. People here are also watching keenly the news from North Africa, not just the Sudanese referendum but the massive milestones in Tunisia, Egypt and farther afield.
Finally two things that Kenyans love that I hold in common with them...Football and Reggae! Both are everywhere, energizing and enriching the city and stoking energetic debate and demonstration. I have been lucky enough to both go to a Dancehall club in the city and watch an African Champions league match. Unfortunately the Kenyan Military team Ulizini Stars was comprehensively routed four goals to nil by the classy Zamalek, of Egypt*, but at least I was able to see some live football in Africa, having missed the opportunity to go to the World Cup last year. Such indulgences may be few and far between over the months ahead so I am eminently grateful top my newfound friends in Kenya for making the past few days so enjoyable and thought provoking.
^Organised by this team http://nairobi.cityyouthcentre.org/index.php?id=1339
*http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport2/hi/football/africa/9380861.stm
Sunday, 2 January 2011
Why Sudan?
An independence rally in Southern Sudan
In 2009 I chose to explore my interest in Peace Work seriously by undertaking a Postgraduate Certificate in Conflict Resolution with the Centre for Peace and Reconciliation Studies at Coventry University. This served to educate me in some of the key skills needed in the field, and the context to its development. Most crucially it gave me two weeks intensive work with an incredibly rich and diverse group of colleagues from all over the world, including two participants from Sudan. After ongoing correspondence once our course had finished, I was eventually invited by Aganwa Wilson, Director of a Southern Sudanese NGO called MRDA, to join them in specifically the development of a new peace building initiative. I have recieved numerous such invitiation over the past few years from friends in the Global South. The timing for me personally and the crossroads in history that Sudan now stands at have influenced my decision to accept this one. This personal connection is incredibly important to me. All too often I feel that International 'Development' amounts to another layer of patronage and interference. Without the blessing of my colleagues in Sudan I would feel uncomfortable with the notion of arriving unwelcome. I am hoping this post will communicate why I find this opportunity so compelling.
Sudan
The borders of Sudan arguably encompass the original ‘Cradle of Civilisation’. The Ancient Kingdom of Nubia, whose monarchy, economic infrastructure and spiritual practices predate and inform those of the much celebrated Egyptian culture, survived numerous military and cultural assaults until the Eighteenth century and colonisation.
Today the modern Republic of Sudan, the biggest in both Africa and the Arab world and, includes almost six hundred distinct ethnic groups speaking over four hundred languages and dialects (the official state languages are Arabic and English) and incorporates substantial numbers of Christians, Muslims and followers of indigenous faiths. Sudan has been embroiled in conflict for much of its existence since it achieved independence from years of Egyptian and British colonisation in 1956. Two civil wars fuelled by conflicts and inequalities between the North and South of the new country were followed by a military coup in 1989 and a later eruption of hostilities in the West of the country, specifically the Darfur region, which has drawn attention to Sudan in recent years.
Southern Sudan
The South has a population of around six million and most of the population is reliant upon rural, subsistence agriculture, despite the ongoing exploitation of major oil reserves. Conflict and internal politics has resulted in massive underdevelopment of the region, a lack of infrastructure and major destruction and displacement. Since independence over two million people have died and more than four million are internally displaced or have become refugees. There are also internal conflicts in the South, exacerbated by scarce resources, poverty and external intervention from the North and farther afield. Furthermore the borders with unstable states including Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic and Chad, as well as the presence of fugitive elements of the Lords Resistance Army, displaced from Northern Uganda, undermine peace in Southern Sudan.
Whilst the conflict in Darfur remains unresolved there is an official peace agreement between the leadership of the North and South that has seen a high degree of autonomy for the South since 2006, pending a full referendum on independence scheduled for completion on January 9th. Some of the foundations of an independent system of government have been established and many of the large Southern Diaspora have returned to homelands vacated during the most recent War. Official agreements and deals between elites do not necessarily resolve underlying tensions and if, as anticipated, the South votes for independence, its citizens and leaders will face a number of serious challenges, not least an embedded culture of insecurity and violence and the need to build a rule of law that enables all to realise their basic rights through non violent means.
The Work of MRDA
For the past 3 years MRDA has rolled out a programme of Civic Education working with citizens in the Southern State of Western Equatoria, supporting them to understand and exercise their rights and responsibilities under the framework of the nascent Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS). This has included work on the Southern Sudanese constitution and the process of registering to vote and voting in elections held in 2010 (the first in over twenty years). Building upon this work the leadership of the organisation have elected to launch a new Centre for Peace and Democracy Studies.
My time will focus on evaluating the conflict sensitivity of current initiatives and developing new training and development of pilot modules and programmes through participatory training and evaluation that will draw upon the lived experience, skills and expertise of participants to build a relevant, effective and flexible body of work. Those participating will be skilled up to deliver their own programmes to wider sections of their communities in order to maximise the impact of the work. I will also be supporting the development of project plans and funding proposals to ensure the sustainability of this centre and to create the means a local worker to take over my role in a paid capacity.
The Centre will draw participants from all over the Southern Sudan with an emphasis on the population in contentious areas and the population with a history of cattle disputes as well as the substantial population of young people under 30, and intends to reach one hundred and eighty participants over its initial projected three year life cycle.
For me this endeavour represents an incredible opportunity to apply and develop my current knowledge and skills and learn much more from the experience of those around me. As I aspire to work full time in the field of peace work as a trainer and facilitator this is a chance to 'fail forward', test my ability and resolve and contribute to some crucial work. I look forward to sharing the experience with you.
Links
A very recent documentary on life in Southern Sudan and the upcoming Referendum
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eYXdFUbj_a8
A great documentary about Nubia, made by a Black British filmaker. Please buy it if you're interested to support more work like this that sheds light on oft-ignored history.
http://www.sudanesethinker.com/2008/07/07/black-nubia-the-forgotten-kingdom/
Mundri Relief and Development Association
http://mundridevelopment.org/mrda-aboutus.html
Centre for Peace and Reconciliation Studies, Coventry University
http://wwwm.coventry.ac.uk/researchnet/CPRS/Pages/Home.aspx
Friday, 31 December 2010
Cairo Dialogue
Dialogue
‘Dialogue’ refers to a set of practices employed by facilitators to stimulate conversation that flows in non-linear ways and stands apart from more formal ways of engaging groups in conversation, such as debates or discussions. The word is much abused, especially at large conferences where various Big speakers come and take the platform for ‘High Level’ dialogues where no genuine form of listening or exchange appears to occur between them, let alone the vast majority of those in the room (the audience) excluded from the talk. In Egypt, during, the GCM programme we, encouraged by all of our grounding as facilitators in Freiran methodologies, encouraged participants to think and act dialogically. We also allocated a morning session to organise subject specific dialogues. To this end we employed a simple technique called the ‘Fishbowl’ whereby two circles of participants are formed, facing inward, with the outer remaining silent and observing the behaviour of those inside and the flow of the dialogue, to feed back on the process later. At periodic intervals the opportunity is given to change circles so that everyone who has something to say can do so and that as many people as possible can watch proceedings from the outside too. The facilitator floats between the two and can input questions or reflections to try and move the conversation forward if it reaches a sticking point and nothing new is being added. The intention is that participants gain insights on the how the process itself relates to their and how they articulate them.
We used a simple consensus based decision making tool to select three topics for the dialogues with the GCM group. Number one on the list once votes had been cast was the question ‘Israel/Palestine. Two State Solution. Yes/NO?’ Being volunteered (with full consent and enthusiasm) to facilitate the dialogue on Israel/Palestine was partially poetic justice. I, having encouraged the participants who had keenly raised the issue with me to put it in the ‘car park’ and take opportunities to raise it, was tasked with working the issue through to whatever conclusions our group of 15 or so could hope to draw in 60 minutes on so from such a monumentally complex, conflicted and emotive subject. I relished the opportunity, truth be told, and didn’t regret it for a second, even as my own thoughts and feelings twisted and turned relentlessly. Surfing the turmoil and trying to effect a degree of useful objectivity…following the fast, passionate discussion and keeping an air open for ad hoc translation, felt, if not good, certainly alive!
Whilst a passion for justice was clear in the discourse and some of the contributions were rooted in real experience of time spent on the West Bank, the conditioning that Arab societies cultivate to demonise Israel was evident in many of the contributions, but so was an awareness of the hypocrisy of Arab and Western politicians whose rhetoric and policy on this subject are often worlds apart. What was most worrying for me was the repeated assertion that either Jews have no real history to speak or that, perhaps even more shockingly, the individual talking did not know that history and did not think it important to discover. Ignorance of the other is a key enabling factor in maintaining fear and dehumanising ‘enemies’. Another worrying undercurrent, but not one that went uncontested within the discussion, related to the polarisation of Islam and Judaism. The use of language…’Our’…’Us’….’They’…is intriguing in its reflection of unspoken narratives. Many people speaking seemed to exactly equate Palestinians with Arabs with Muslims. And yet there are many Christian Palestinians and Palestinians are strongly, marginalised within many Arab societies. I wonder how the dynamics of the group would have changed if their had been young Israelis participating. The dynamics of exclusion within MENA countries was not often explicitly addressed as the other was there to take the weight of criticism. Also responsibility, as in ‘they have to this…’ was often assigned to an imaginary interlocutor. When asked to name who might be able to do this, participants mostly named the USA. To me this highlights the sense of isolation that surrounds Palestine, which in turn leads me to believe that solidarity efforts in the West are not working. More and deeper work is needed to support Palestinian and Israeli Civil Society activists to achieve justice for the Palestinian people. Then maybe the feeling of helplessness some of the activists in this dialogue expressed could be transformed into a disciplined, strategic optimism.
Another learning was the danger of terms without interrogating differing interpretations of them and giving space for participants to make clear the own underlying meanings they attributed to language, which often vary wildly and yet are all too rarely aired. Some participants rejected ‘peace’ as a useful or desirable term, finding in it implications of passivity or acquiescence, what I would term ‘the absence of violence; rather than the achievement of justice. The pride of seeing Palestine (and thus at some level all Arabs) standing up to a seemingly all powerful oppressor relies on a bold dream of victory achieved by some form of retributive justice that validates and glorifies all and any violence against Israel or Israelis.
Dialogue is about pushing imaginative and creative borders by making a safe space to talk about issues that often feel dangerous to get out in the open. To do so is to invite participants to invest certain of trust and emotion in the process. If they are expecting a concrete outcome external to their own perception of the situation then they are being set up to fail and to suffer some hurt. As a facilitator being sensitive to this is incredibly important and attempting to demonstrate such a process and allow adequate time to decompress, reflect and process one’s own emotions is incredibly important. Being alive to the energy and inputs of the group and trusting as much as possible that they will steer themselves to new areas of discussion is also something I will concentrate on cultivating for future dialogues.
Taking the above into account it was pleasant that the response to the introduction and the handling of the subject was overwhelmingly positive. I hope that participants derived something from the experience not only about the nature of the tool we used for facilitation, but more importantly about their own expression and interaction in such a setting.
The UK team involved in GCM MENA was in attendance to develop an online dialogue initiative and I look forward to seeing how it develops over time.
Resources
Introduction to Paulo Freire
http://www.infed.org/thinkers/et-freir.htm
A fantastic report compiling reflections on different tools for dialogue.
http://www.collectivewisdominitiative.org/papers/pioneers_dialogue/00_all.pdf
A set of resources based on the work of Physicist David Bohm, a trailblazer in the field.
http://www.david-bohm.net/dialogue/
The Art of Powerful Questions
http://www.theworldcafe.com/articles/aopq.pdf
‘Dialogue’ refers to a set of practices employed by facilitators to stimulate conversation that flows in non-linear ways and stands apart from more formal ways of engaging groups in conversation, such as debates or discussions. The word is much abused, especially at large conferences where various Big speakers come and take the platform for ‘High Level’ dialogues where no genuine form of listening or exchange appears to occur between them, let alone the vast majority of those in the room (the audience) excluded from the talk. In Egypt, during, the GCM programme we, encouraged by all of our grounding as facilitators in Freiran methodologies, encouraged participants to think and act dialogically. We also allocated a morning session to organise subject specific dialogues. To this end we employed a simple technique called the ‘Fishbowl’ whereby two circles of participants are formed, facing inward, with the outer remaining silent and observing the behaviour of those inside and the flow of the dialogue, to feed back on the process later. At periodic intervals the opportunity is given to change circles so that everyone who has something to say can do so and that as many people as possible can watch proceedings from the outside too. The facilitator floats between the two and can input questions or reflections to try and move the conversation forward if it reaches a sticking point and nothing new is being added. The intention is that participants gain insights on the how the process itself relates to their and how they articulate them.
We used a simple consensus based decision making tool to select three topics for the dialogues with the GCM group. Number one on the list once votes had been cast was the question ‘Israel/Palestine. Two State Solution. Yes/NO?’ Being volunteered (with full consent and enthusiasm) to facilitate the dialogue on Israel/Palestine was partially poetic justice. I, having encouraged the participants who had keenly raised the issue with me to put it in the ‘car park’ and take opportunities to raise it, was tasked with working the issue through to whatever conclusions our group of 15 or so could hope to draw in 60 minutes on so from such a monumentally complex, conflicted and emotive subject. I relished the opportunity, truth be told, and didn’t regret it for a second, even as my own thoughts and feelings twisted and turned relentlessly. Surfing the turmoil and trying to effect a degree of useful objectivity…following the fast, passionate discussion and keeping an air open for ad hoc translation, felt, if not good, certainly alive!
Whilst a passion for justice was clear in the discourse and some of the contributions were rooted in real experience of time spent on the West Bank, the conditioning that Arab societies cultivate to demonise Israel was evident in many of the contributions, but so was an awareness of the hypocrisy of Arab and Western politicians whose rhetoric and policy on this subject are often worlds apart. What was most worrying for me was the repeated assertion that either Jews have no real history to speak or that, perhaps even more shockingly, the individual talking did not know that history and did not think it important to discover. Ignorance of the other is a key enabling factor in maintaining fear and dehumanising ‘enemies’. Another worrying undercurrent, but not one that went uncontested within the discussion, related to the polarisation of Islam and Judaism. The use of language…’Our’…’Us’….’They’…is intriguing in its reflection of unspoken narratives. Many people speaking seemed to exactly equate Palestinians with Arabs with Muslims. And yet there are many Christian Palestinians and Palestinians are strongly, marginalised within many Arab societies. I wonder how the dynamics of the group would have changed if their had been young Israelis participating. The dynamics of exclusion within MENA countries was not often explicitly addressed as the other was there to take the weight of criticism. Also responsibility, as in ‘they have to this…’ was often assigned to an imaginary interlocutor. When asked to name who might be able to do this, participants mostly named the USA. To me this highlights the sense of isolation that surrounds Palestine, which in turn leads me to believe that solidarity efforts in the West are not working. More and deeper work is needed to support Palestinian and Israeli Civil Society activists to achieve justice for the Palestinian people. Then maybe the feeling of helplessness some of the activists in this dialogue expressed could be transformed into a disciplined, strategic optimism.
Another learning was the danger of terms without interrogating differing interpretations of them and giving space for participants to make clear the own underlying meanings they attributed to language, which often vary wildly and yet are all too rarely aired. Some participants rejected ‘peace’ as a useful or desirable term, finding in it implications of passivity or acquiescence, what I would term ‘the absence of violence; rather than the achievement of justice. The pride of seeing Palestine (and thus at some level all Arabs) standing up to a seemingly all powerful oppressor relies on a bold dream of victory achieved by some form of retributive justice that validates and glorifies all and any violence against Israel or Israelis.
Dialogue is about pushing imaginative and creative borders by making a safe space to talk about issues that often feel dangerous to get out in the open. To do so is to invite participants to invest certain of trust and emotion in the process. If they are expecting a concrete outcome external to their own perception of the situation then they are being set up to fail and to suffer some hurt. As a facilitator being sensitive to this is incredibly important and attempting to demonstrate such a process and allow adequate time to decompress, reflect and process one’s own emotions is incredibly important. Being alive to the energy and inputs of the group and trusting as much as possible that they will steer themselves to new areas of discussion is also something I will concentrate on cultivating for future dialogues.
Taking the above into account it was pleasant that the response to the introduction and the handling of the subject was overwhelmingly positive. I hope that participants derived something from the experience not only about the nature of the tool we used for facilitation, but more importantly about their own expression and interaction in such a setting.
The UK team involved in GCM MENA was in attendance to develop an online dialogue initiative and I look forward to seeing how it develops over time.
Resources
Introduction to Paulo Freire
http://www.infed.org/thinkers/et-freir.htm
A fantastic report compiling reflections on different tools for dialogue.
http://www.collectivewisdominitiative.org/papers/pioneers_dialogue/00_all.pdf
A set of resources based on the work of Physicist David Bohm, a trailblazer in the field.
http://www.david-bohm.net/dialogue/
The Art of Powerful Questions
http://www.theworldcafe.com/articles/aopq.pdf
Slight Return
After a significant hiatus from this blog, during which I have travelled quite a bit (South Africa, Serbia, Saudi Arabia, Croatia, Nigeria, Northern Ireland and Belgium) and kept up posting at httP://ideasnotbeliefs.blogspot.com a recent experience has prompted me to resume sharing some reflections, though by its nature this post is less about travel than it is work. Having had a powerful time in Cairo recently working with 3 fantastic colleagues and 45+ great participants I felt compelled to share some (trimmed) reflections I have been writing. Having had these notes grow and grow over time I’ve decided to put it out there and amend any massive errors, repetition later so apologies if in the mean time it doesn’t read particularly cleanly. Enjoy and let me know what you think.
I was part of a team of four facilitators commissioned to deliver a 5 Day training programme for over 40 young people from 9 different countries; Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Libya, Qatar, Bahrain, Yemen, Kuwait and the UK, as part of the British Council Global Changemakers programme. Convened at short notice by the British Youth Council, who were brought in at short notice after the assigned trainers dropped out, we had a very tight timeframe to pull together a working agenda for 4 days covering Leadership, Community Organising, Participation, Team Work, Dialogue and numerous other subjects. Having a full time job that meant I was participating two in residentials in the week immediately preceding this endeavour made life even more interesting? I’m rarely one to turn to down a challenge though…
I arrived at about 5AM at a generic hotel far from the centre of Cairo and didn’t get to leave it for my first 3 days working on the programme. This probably impacted negatively on my understanding of and feel for the process and the participants. I felt culturally dislocated in the environment as I literally had not seen Egypt and taken moments to acclimatise to the people, buildings, smells etc around me, all of the small things I appreciate in a new place. That said, just turning up and getting involved meant that I really didn’t have time to worry or get nervous beyond that useful well of nervous energy that accompanies all facilitation. Having come direct from another residential activity I felt ‘warmed up’ and could hit the ground running. The group was also very welcoming and throughout the week I was continually impressed by their energy, interest and response to the often challenging work we were inviting them to take on.
Working on the fly, being alert to possibilities and pitfalls as they emerge, and taking on some emotional weight and responsibility for the journey of the participants I am working with is at once energising and draining. Finding space and stillness, away from the noise and people, is a physical necessity at times, as sessions and ‘breaks’ bleed together. One wonders what we gain and lose from doing things this way. It certainly feels exhilarating.
There are words and concepts that the British Council and we as a team of external facilitators had given particular significance too by virtue of their inclusion on the programme: Participation, Power, Change, Campaigning, Advocacy, and Community Organising. These are both complex and charged, that’s what makes them valuable but also demands a great deal of consideration in introducing to participants, Being used to working with young people in a UK context, I entered the situation with an awareness of the need to tailor the work to draw upon the realities of the young Arabs rather than my own imposed assumptions.
These considerations were important on day one when I led a session of Participation in the afternoon, drawing upon Roger Hart’s infamous Ladder of Participation. Not everyone grasped the ideas immediately but proved to be a good way of drawing out both the diversity of projects the participants were involved in and some of their underlying thoughts and feelings about how much influence they had within them and the degree of initiative they were taking. The group was asked to map current or past initiatives by theme and by degree of youth participation (from tokenism to Youth Led, partnered with adults). From drug rehabilitation in Libya to Greening Cities in Jordan to building Libraries in Qatar, these young activists have a lot to be proud of and even bigger aspirations. One of the major challenges in the countries they work in is overcoming the divisions between haves and have nots to engage those less privileged in terms of economic and education opportunity, to be at the core of change, rather than passive recipients of well intentioned but potentially ill informed interventions. The sharing facilitated by this session was a modest step to prompting each individual and group to reflect on how they were involving the community in their work and to learn from one anothers experiences. We returned to this challenge repeatedly throughout the week, introducing new tools.
Later in the week I had to creating a campaigning workshop from scratch, having learnt from the previous sessions and thrown my formative plan out of the window I was able, in a matter of a hour or less, to pull together a session that balanced global examples with local considerations, gave key information and asked key questions, managed to use powerpoint (which I’m not a great fan of but some participants seemed less assured without in other sessions) and got them active. Challenging the group to implement their learning immediately gave the process a real anchor. There was also a thread of work throughout the week on dialogue, which I will address in a separate post.
What was brought home to me about the host country specifically during the week was how the National Myth of Egyptian Militarism and Independence draws heavily on the legacy of the 1967 war with Israel. No less so than the British identity revolves around the manufactured glory of the Second World War. This seems to partially enable the dominance and corruption of an undemocratic and often repressive military regime that is heavily reliant on the US for support and therefore a regional ally of Israel, just as the virulently anti Zionist Wahabi-Saud regime in Saudi Arabia is (and both are also of course in bed with the British government to varying degrees). The irony of this polygamous marriage of convenience was not lost on all participants as some contributions and later conversations showed. As soon as you talk about change, or power, or participation, you are talking politics, and that brings with it a degree of risk and responsibility. Many participants were far from means niave about the shortcomings of their leaders and are not waiting around for solutions to come from the old guard who have entrenched serious social problems.
What all of the ‘Changemakers’ held in common with their colleagues from other states, whether inspired by a Monarch, as in the case of Bahrain and Qatar, Musicians, politicians or activists or simply by the issues they observe in their societies all of these young activists are already acting to transform their worlds using their energy, ideas and passion, time tested methods and newer technologies like social media, and connecting regionally. If any way we supported them to think differently and enrich their work then that’s great. Otherwise the learning and pleasure from this week was all mine.
Other reflections….
On the wisdom of having 4 British facilitators who speak no Arabic lead 4 intensive days of discussion, dialogue and activity with 45+ energetic and opinionated young people from the Middle East and North Africa: Hmmmmm….
On the absolute beauty and utility of having committed, determined and talented colleagues volunteer their time, energy and expertise to help us paper over the cracks and pull together our programme using the adhesive of interpretation and translation: Yay!!
Presenting with the audiences varied linguistic capacities in mind one finds one self, eventually, beginning to articulate in a more concise, clear and simple manner and (hopefully) delivering the same information in a more universally accessible way without resorting to a didactic and inflexible style of delivery. I still want to learn Arabic and with imminent travel in Southern Sudan looming, the imperative to do so grows ever stronger (though I think I’ll need Dinka more!).
I’m excited about the World Cup in Qatar in 2022, having felt the tangible joy from the Qatari delegation about the opportunity to host the first Arab world cup.
GCM MENA
http://globalchangemakers-mena.net/
Egypt Workshop Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ieHXYeK7Leg
Power analysis
http://www.powercube.net/analyse-power/
Harts Ladder
http://www.freechild.org/ladder.htm
I was part of a team of four facilitators commissioned to deliver a 5 Day training programme for over 40 young people from 9 different countries; Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Libya, Qatar, Bahrain, Yemen, Kuwait and the UK, as part of the British Council Global Changemakers programme. Convened at short notice by the British Youth Council, who were brought in at short notice after the assigned trainers dropped out, we had a very tight timeframe to pull together a working agenda for 4 days covering Leadership, Community Organising, Participation, Team Work, Dialogue and numerous other subjects. Having a full time job that meant I was participating two in residentials in the week immediately preceding this endeavour made life even more interesting? I’m rarely one to turn to down a challenge though…
I arrived at about 5AM at a generic hotel far from the centre of Cairo and didn’t get to leave it for my first 3 days working on the programme. This probably impacted negatively on my understanding of and feel for the process and the participants. I felt culturally dislocated in the environment as I literally had not seen Egypt and taken moments to acclimatise to the people, buildings, smells etc around me, all of the small things I appreciate in a new place. That said, just turning up and getting involved meant that I really didn’t have time to worry or get nervous beyond that useful well of nervous energy that accompanies all facilitation. Having come direct from another residential activity I felt ‘warmed up’ and could hit the ground running. The group was also very welcoming and throughout the week I was continually impressed by their energy, interest and response to the often challenging work we were inviting them to take on.
Working on the fly, being alert to possibilities and pitfalls as they emerge, and taking on some emotional weight and responsibility for the journey of the participants I am working with is at once energising and draining. Finding space and stillness, away from the noise and people, is a physical necessity at times, as sessions and ‘breaks’ bleed together. One wonders what we gain and lose from doing things this way. It certainly feels exhilarating.
There are words and concepts that the British Council and we as a team of external facilitators had given particular significance too by virtue of their inclusion on the programme: Participation, Power, Change, Campaigning, Advocacy, and Community Organising. These are both complex and charged, that’s what makes them valuable but also demands a great deal of consideration in introducing to participants, Being used to working with young people in a UK context, I entered the situation with an awareness of the need to tailor the work to draw upon the realities of the young Arabs rather than my own imposed assumptions.
These considerations were important on day one when I led a session of Participation in the afternoon, drawing upon Roger Hart’s infamous Ladder of Participation. Not everyone grasped the ideas immediately but proved to be a good way of drawing out both the diversity of projects the participants were involved in and some of their underlying thoughts and feelings about how much influence they had within them and the degree of initiative they were taking. The group was asked to map current or past initiatives by theme and by degree of youth participation (from tokenism to Youth Led, partnered with adults). From drug rehabilitation in Libya to Greening Cities in Jordan to building Libraries in Qatar, these young activists have a lot to be proud of and even bigger aspirations. One of the major challenges in the countries they work in is overcoming the divisions between haves and have nots to engage those less privileged in terms of economic and education opportunity, to be at the core of change, rather than passive recipients of well intentioned but potentially ill informed interventions. The sharing facilitated by this session was a modest step to prompting each individual and group to reflect on how they were involving the community in their work and to learn from one anothers experiences. We returned to this challenge repeatedly throughout the week, introducing new tools.
Later in the week I had to creating a campaigning workshop from scratch, having learnt from the previous sessions and thrown my formative plan out of the window I was able, in a matter of a hour or less, to pull together a session that balanced global examples with local considerations, gave key information and asked key questions, managed to use powerpoint (which I’m not a great fan of but some participants seemed less assured without in other sessions) and got them active. Challenging the group to implement their learning immediately gave the process a real anchor. There was also a thread of work throughout the week on dialogue, which I will address in a separate post.
What was brought home to me about the host country specifically during the week was how the National Myth of Egyptian Militarism and Independence draws heavily on the legacy of the 1967 war with Israel. No less so than the British identity revolves around the manufactured glory of the Second World War. This seems to partially enable the dominance and corruption of an undemocratic and often repressive military regime that is heavily reliant on the US for support and therefore a regional ally of Israel, just as the virulently anti Zionist Wahabi-Saud regime in Saudi Arabia is (and both are also of course in bed with the British government to varying degrees). The irony of this polygamous marriage of convenience was not lost on all participants as some contributions and later conversations showed. As soon as you talk about change, or power, or participation, you are talking politics, and that brings with it a degree of risk and responsibility. Many participants were far from means niave about the shortcomings of their leaders and are not waiting around for solutions to come from the old guard who have entrenched serious social problems.
What all of the ‘Changemakers’ held in common with their colleagues from other states, whether inspired by a Monarch, as in the case of Bahrain and Qatar, Musicians, politicians or activists or simply by the issues they observe in their societies all of these young activists are already acting to transform their worlds using their energy, ideas and passion, time tested methods and newer technologies like social media, and connecting regionally. If any way we supported them to think differently and enrich their work then that’s great. Otherwise the learning and pleasure from this week was all mine.
Other reflections….
On the wisdom of having 4 British facilitators who speak no Arabic lead 4 intensive days of discussion, dialogue and activity with 45+ energetic and opinionated young people from the Middle East and North Africa: Hmmmmm….
On the absolute beauty and utility of having committed, determined and talented colleagues volunteer their time, energy and expertise to help us paper over the cracks and pull together our programme using the adhesive of interpretation and translation: Yay!!
Presenting with the audiences varied linguistic capacities in mind one finds one self, eventually, beginning to articulate in a more concise, clear and simple manner and (hopefully) delivering the same information in a more universally accessible way without resorting to a didactic and inflexible style of delivery. I still want to learn Arabic and with imminent travel in Southern Sudan looming, the imperative to do so grows ever stronger (though I think I’ll need Dinka more!).
I’m excited about the World Cup in Qatar in 2022, having felt the tangible joy from the Qatari delegation about the opportunity to host the first Arab world cup.
GCM MENA
http://globalchangemakers-mena.net/
Egypt Workshop Video
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ieHXYeK7Leg
Power analysis
http://www.powercube.net/analyse-power/
Harts Ladder
http://www.freechild.org/ladder.htm
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