PREAMBLE
A consultative workshop between Western Equatoria State and Lakes State organized and facilitated by Mundri Relief and Development Association (MRDA) was held in Mundri Town from 19th-21st April 2011, attended by MPs from both states, Executive members from Western Equatoria State, Chiefs, Elders and Women’s representatives from Mvolo county.
The speaker of Lakes State Legislative Assembly (LSLA) and the Deputy Speaker of Western Equatoria State (WES) led their respective delegations to the workshop.
The three commissioners of Mvolo, Mundri West and Mundri East Counties attended the workshop and contributed positively to the resolution of the conflict.
We the participants of the consultative workshop by the need to unify the people of Southern Sudan, reduce ethnic conflicts, the suffering of the displaced people and the humanitarian crisis caused as a result of interethnic have met in Mundri.
The workshop was cognizant of the previous Mvolo and Mapourdit resolutions of 18/02/2011 and 5/04/2011 respectively that formed the part of these resolutions.
Key presentations were delivered by Western Equatoria State, Lakes State and a Fact Finding team to the conflict from SSLA which gave useful recommendations towards the Mvolo-Yirol West Community Conflict.
During the three days of the workshop the participants explored the root causes of the current conflict andsought ways and means to bring the two communities of Mvolo and Yirol West to coexist and return to the previous status of peaceful living.
1. Immediate cessation of hostilities by deploying neutral forces along the borders of Kokori, Wowo, Bahr Grindi, Lual, Lessi, War Ayel as presented by the two governors to the president during the security briefing meeting held on 9th April 2011 with sufficient logistics to be supervised by GOSS.
2. Members of Parliament from the 2 states together with their chiefs and commissioners should go to their people to talk to them about peace
3. High level neutral investigation committee formed by the president to immediately start their work.
4. Organization of a reconciliation meeting at Mapourdit to be attended by chiefs, communities of respective counties supported by MRDA, Partners, GOSS, Civil Society and the Church.
5. Immediate provision of humanitarian assistance for 6 months by State governments, NGOS, Ministry of humanitarian affairs and disaster management and people of good will.
6. Immediate Comprehensive disarmament programme of civilians to be carried out all over south Sudan by the GOSS ministry of SPLA and veteran Affairs.
7. Formation of peace committees at the grass roots levels by the Peace Commission and partners.
8. Formation of a working group to review implementation of these resolutions on an ongoing basis, remaining in constant contact by phone, email etc and to meet as a whole after 3 months in Mundri to comprehensively evaluate implementation of resolutions. This group should comprise of 7 representatives of W.E Legislative Assembly,7 representatives of Lakes Legislative Assembly, 2 Members of South Sudan Legislative Assembly,1 from the office of the president and representatives of MRDA, Nonviolent PeaceForce, SONAD, Diocese of Mundri.
9. Formation of neutral civilian monitoring committees to spend time with both communities and report regularly to the working group.
Tuesday, 26 April 2011
Sunday, 24 April 2011
Meeting for Peace
This week I have been mostly supporting the organisation and running of a reconcilication workshop in Mundri. If you're slightly bemused as to what that might be, don't worry, you're surely not alone.
Since early February outbursts of armed violence have devastated communities on either side of the Lakes State-Western Equatoria State border, concentrated in the neighboring counties of Yirol West in Lakes and Mvolo, one of the three counties of Greater Mundri in W.E and the next county from the one where I reside. Yirol West is predominantly home to a section of the Dinka cultural group called Dinka Ajar, whereas Mvolo is mostly the residence of people from the Jur group.
To date over 50 people have been recorded as dead and thousands have been displaced, with their homes and property destroyed or stolen. Thus both states are facing internal crisis arising from displacement. There are scarce resources to accommodate or feed IDPs in the short term and with rainy season beginning if return is not possible soon livelihoods and food security will be severely undermined, as smallholders will not be able to reach their fields to plant, cultivate and reap crops for the rest of the year.
There are many competing views as to why and how this conflict has developed. Certainly a young Jur man was murdered on February 8th and his motorbike stolen. Whilst the contention is that Dinka from a local cattle camp are responsible no criminal investigation was undertaken before a deadly revenge attack on the camp claimed 8 lives the next day. A cycle of revenge has spun out of control since then. Other underlying factors could include longer term animosity resulting from cultural difference, particularly around livelihoods. Dinka are noted for keeping cows and leading pastoral lifestyles, herding their cattle to where there is sufficient water and fertile grassland to keep them healthy. Yirol is a more arid area than Mvolo and Dinka herds have traditionally moved back and forth across the border to access land and rivers in Mvolo, occasionally coming into contact with farmers who feel their land is being violated without permission and whose work is negatively affected as a result. It seems that intra-communal conflict was minimized throughout the liberation struggle 1983-2005 but after the signing of the CPA has resumed on a cyclical basis, with violence flaring during dry season, when cattle keepers are forced to travel farther afield in locating the water they need.
There are many other allegations as to larger political agendas behind both the launching and the continued fuelling of the conflict but little supporting evidence is forthcoming to support such claims. It is clear that military and police response to the situation has been insufficient. Forces deployed to secure the border have not made it to their intended destinations and have failed to provide sufficient protection to civilian populations that would allow them to return to their homes. One potential reason for this is the risk for forces of either state of being implicated as actors in the conflict if they cross the border.
There is a process in place between the two governors (the most senior executives at Federal level) to produce solutions to the conflict but so far this process has produced results only on paper. After their first meeting violence intensified so at the beginning of April a second meeting was convened and the Governors resolved to take 8 points for action to the Office of the President himself in order to appeal for support. This is particularly significant in that it opens the possibility of neutral security forces and investigators reaching the ground in the affected areas to enforce any ceasefire and begin a process of judicial investigation, above the authority of the local commissioners and even the governors themselves. The governors also committed to holding a reconciliation conference at the earliest opportunity. History tells us that many such conferences have been held in this region over the past five years, and none of the plans emerging from them have been implemented.
MRDA, as a humanitarian organization concerned for the peace and development of South Sudan as a whole, especially as independence approaches, decided to reach out to concerned parties and try and contribute to a resolution of the current conflict. During monitoring visits for another project over the past 6 weeks the director of MRDA and members of our team have visited officials in either state, including Governors, Deputy Governors, the Ministry for Peace and CPA Implementation and the elected Legislative Assemblies, to try and establish channels of communication between the two state administrations. Essentially we wanted decisionmakers and leaders in each state to reach out to one another and disuss their shared interest in ending the conflict, protecting civilians and finding the real root causes.
Our intention as a civil society organization was to supplement and strengthen the current high level process by establishing more dialogue at more levels, using the legislative assemblies of each state as an access point and potentially convening meetings before the high profile conference to improve relationships and increase the chances of practically workable agreements being produced at that stage. Crucially we hoped to eventually involved chiefs at local level and ultimately even young people from each area that are directly participating in the violence; fighting and dying.
Our meetings with MPs from both assemblies, including those representing the counties involved, saw many high emotions and aspersions cast against the other, but both sets of representatives ultimately also recognized the desperate need for peace and their own responsibility to play their part in working toward that peace. We were able to directly connect the Deputy Speaker of W.E and the Speaker of Lakes to discuss ways forward and after our second visit to Rumbek, the capital of Lakes, were given a mandate to mobilize a meeting (aka a 'reconciliation workshop') with MPs, chiefs and representatives of the executive from each state, as a first step toward the objectives of
• strengthening interstate dialogue,
• diagnosing the root causes of the conflict and
• planning toward action for a sustainable peace in the area.
With this understanding reached on April 10th, we were left with 9 days to actually make it happen. With a significant sacrifice of MRDA financial, physical and human resources this was made possible. Mundri was suggested by the Lakes assembly as a suitable venue, as it is the home of MRDA and we would be well equipped to arrange accomodation, food and venues for the discussions. We also involved international civilian peacekeeping organisation Nonviolent Peaceforce, who have an office in Mundri and have been working on this conflict also.
The Lakes delegation was eventually airlifted in by UNIMIS (United Nations Mission in Sudan) helicopter, reducing the size of their delegation, and they sent only MPs, which didn’t go down too well with the chiefs in attendance of Mvolo, who were expecting a face to face meeting with their counterparts from Yirol. Given that it was a day later than originally planned, and we had experienced an ill tempered and confused first day with the Western Equatorian delegation alone, bringing the two groups together face to face felt like a significant achievement, regardless of precise composition. Present to provide their input and welcome the visitors were numerous local dignitaries, including the Commissioners for Mundri West and Mundri East and Bishop Bismarck of Sudan Episcopal Church, who hosted some of the proceedings in their Mundri Church. A faith perspective was useful in grounding participants before discussion began and emphasizing their personal responsibilities as peacemakers.
Also represented was the National South Sudan Legislative Assembly, which had mandated an investigative team of its own. This team led by the Rt. Hon Joseph Njeri, reported back to delegates and set a very positive tone, focusing on facts, preempting and discounting many of the allegations that we had heard in private and urging all parties, especially those with influence at local levels, to take urgent action. He also particularly highlighted the role that arms proliferation plays nationally in exacerbating local conflicts and stated that GOSS should organize a national civilian disarmament programme without delay to improve security and reduce fatalities. In this specific conflict there is even evidence that heavy weapons have been somehow appropriated from government armories and used in attacking civilian settlements. Finally in attendance to demonstrate their concern and share views were the Deputy Governor of Western Equatoria state, their Minister for Local Government and Legal Enforcement and the State Security Advisor. The national print and broadcast media were also represented.
The structure of the workshop, truncated as it was, still featured many lengthy speeches, in a semi-formal fashion, with little time for deliberation or discussion. Proceedings felt more like a town hall meeting than a facilitated group process, as the MRDA director and Board Member for Peace, Dr, Wesley Natana, chaired a succession of prepared submissions before choosing a small working group to prepare resolutions. With so many dignities to afford time to in the schedule given the South Sudanese principle of ‘observing protocol’ the process was a long way from any that I am used to in terms of participation and facilitation. This means that essentially only the areas of broad agreement were explored in any depth, without sufficient space for the latent conflicts of interest and opinion to surface and be addressed. Given the time constraints upon us and the nature of the group this may have been a necessary omission, especially given that the first resolution was for MRDA and all concerned parties to mobilize for another meeting, this time with representation of chiefs from both sides, and establish a working group with representation from both states and civil society groups to review the implementation of the resolutions on an ongoing basis.
Logistically organizing an event like this is a serious challenge in of itself, but the true challenge is ensuring the best atmosphere and facilitation for a positive, honest and constructive conversation about the issues and the way forward. Thankfully in this instance this was achieved. Our task as an organization as we reflect and look to the next stage of this process is to frankly assess how we managed to successfully run this event and what our problems and shortcomings were in doing so. We will be asking ourselves what we can learn for next time to further strengthen the dialogue, making it as inclusive and meaningful as possible. In addition we should be looking, with civil society partners, beyond formally structured meetings like this to the opportunities to address on a longer term basis some of the underlying issues in the area via funded programmes. Regardless of how much kudos we may attain by taking our present role in this peace building process, if we fail to help stop the violence then our efforts are in vain.
Since early February outbursts of armed violence have devastated communities on either side of the Lakes State-Western Equatoria State border, concentrated in the neighboring counties of Yirol West in Lakes and Mvolo, one of the three counties of Greater Mundri in W.E and the next county from the one where I reside. Yirol West is predominantly home to a section of the Dinka cultural group called Dinka Ajar, whereas Mvolo is mostly the residence of people from the Jur group.
To date over 50 people have been recorded as dead and thousands have been displaced, with their homes and property destroyed or stolen. Thus both states are facing internal crisis arising from displacement. There are scarce resources to accommodate or feed IDPs in the short term and with rainy season beginning if return is not possible soon livelihoods and food security will be severely undermined, as smallholders will not be able to reach their fields to plant, cultivate and reap crops for the rest of the year.
There are many competing views as to why and how this conflict has developed. Certainly a young Jur man was murdered on February 8th and his motorbike stolen. Whilst the contention is that Dinka from a local cattle camp are responsible no criminal investigation was undertaken before a deadly revenge attack on the camp claimed 8 lives the next day. A cycle of revenge has spun out of control since then. Other underlying factors could include longer term animosity resulting from cultural difference, particularly around livelihoods. Dinka are noted for keeping cows and leading pastoral lifestyles, herding their cattle to where there is sufficient water and fertile grassland to keep them healthy. Yirol is a more arid area than Mvolo and Dinka herds have traditionally moved back and forth across the border to access land and rivers in Mvolo, occasionally coming into contact with farmers who feel their land is being violated without permission and whose work is negatively affected as a result. It seems that intra-communal conflict was minimized throughout the liberation struggle 1983-2005 but after the signing of the CPA has resumed on a cyclical basis, with violence flaring during dry season, when cattle keepers are forced to travel farther afield in locating the water they need.
There are many other allegations as to larger political agendas behind both the launching and the continued fuelling of the conflict but little supporting evidence is forthcoming to support such claims. It is clear that military and police response to the situation has been insufficient. Forces deployed to secure the border have not made it to their intended destinations and have failed to provide sufficient protection to civilian populations that would allow them to return to their homes. One potential reason for this is the risk for forces of either state of being implicated as actors in the conflict if they cross the border.
There is a process in place between the two governors (the most senior executives at Federal level) to produce solutions to the conflict but so far this process has produced results only on paper. After their first meeting violence intensified so at the beginning of April a second meeting was convened and the Governors resolved to take 8 points for action to the Office of the President himself in order to appeal for support. This is particularly significant in that it opens the possibility of neutral security forces and investigators reaching the ground in the affected areas to enforce any ceasefire and begin a process of judicial investigation, above the authority of the local commissioners and even the governors themselves. The governors also committed to holding a reconciliation conference at the earliest opportunity. History tells us that many such conferences have been held in this region over the past five years, and none of the plans emerging from them have been implemented.
MRDA, as a humanitarian organization concerned for the peace and development of South Sudan as a whole, especially as independence approaches, decided to reach out to concerned parties and try and contribute to a resolution of the current conflict. During monitoring visits for another project over the past 6 weeks the director of MRDA and members of our team have visited officials in either state, including Governors, Deputy Governors, the Ministry for Peace and CPA Implementation and the elected Legislative Assemblies, to try and establish channels of communication between the two state administrations. Essentially we wanted decisionmakers and leaders in each state to reach out to one another and disuss their shared interest in ending the conflict, protecting civilians and finding the real root causes.
Our intention as a civil society organization was to supplement and strengthen the current high level process by establishing more dialogue at more levels, using the legislative assemblies of each state as an access point and potentially convening meetings before the high profile conference to improve relationships and increase the chances of practically workable agreements being produced at that stage. Crucially we hoped to eventually involved chiefs at local level and ultimately even young people from each area that are directly participating in the violence; fighting and dying.
Our meetings with MPs from both assemblies, including those representing the counties involved, saw many high emotions and aspersions cast against the other, but both sets of representatives ultimately also recognized the desperate need for peace and their own responsibility to play their part in working toward that peace. We were able to directly connect the Deputy Speaker of W.E and the Speaker of Lakes to discuss ways forward and after our second visit to Rumbek, the capital of Lakes, were given a mandate to mobilize a meeting (aka a 'reconciliation workshop') with MPs, chiefs and representatives of the executive from each state, as a first step toward the objectives of
• strengthening interstate dialogue,
• diagnosing the root causes of the conflict and
• planning toward action for a sustainable peace in the area.
With this understanding reached on April 10th, we were left with 9 days to actually make it happen. With a significant sacrifice of MRDA financial, physical and human resources this was made possible. Mundri was suggested by the Lakes assembly as a suitable venue, as it is the home of MRDA and we would be well equipped to arrange accomodation, food and venues for the discussions. We also involved international civilian peacekeeping organisation Nonviolent Peaceforce, who have an office in Mundri and have been working on this conflict also.
The Lakes delegation was eventually airlifted in by UNIMIS (United Nations Mission in Sudan) helicopter, reducing the size of their delegation, and they sent only MPs, which didn’t go down too well with the chiefs in attendance of Mvolo, who were expecting a face to face meeting with their counterparts from Yirol. Given that it was a day later than originally planned, and we had experienced an ill tempered and confused first day with the Western Equatorian delegation alone, bringing the two groups together face to face felt like a significant achievement, regardless of precise composition. Present to provide their input and welcome the visitors were numerous local dignitaries, including the Commissioners for Mundri West and Mundri East and Bishop Bismarck of Sudan Episcopal Church, who hosted some of the proceedings in their Mundri Church. A faith perspective was useful in grounding participants before discussion began and emphasizing their personal responsibilities as peacemakers.
Also represented was the National South Sudan Legislative Assembly, which had mandated an investigative team of its own. This team led by the Rt. Hon Joseph Njeri, reported back to delegates and set a very positive tone, focusing on facts, preempting and discounting many of the allegations that we had heard in private and urging all parties, especially those with influence at local levels, to take urgent action. He also particularly highlighted the role that arms proliferation plays nationally in exacerbating local conflicts and stated that GOSS should organize a national civilian disarmament programme without delay to improve security and reduce fatalities. In this specific conflict there is even evidence that heavy weapons have been somehow appropriated from government armories and used in attacking civilian settlements. Finally in attendance to demonstrate their concern and share views were the Deputy Governor of Western Equatoria state, their Minister for Local Government and Legal Enforcement and the State Security Advisor. The national print and broadcast media were also represented.
The structure of the workshop, truncated as it was, still featured many lengthy speeches, in a semi-formal fashion, with little time for deliberation or discussion. Proceedings felt more like a town hall meeting than a facilitated group process, as the MRDA director and Board Member for Peace, Dr, Wesley Natana, chaired a succession of prepared submissions before choosing a small working group to prepare resolutions. With so many dignities to afford time to in the schedule given the South Sudanese principle of ‘observing protocol’ the process was a long way from any that I am used to in terms of participation and facilitation. This means that essentially only the areas of broad agreement were explored in any depth, without sufficient space for the latent conflicts of interest and opinion to surface and be addressed. Given the time constraints upon us and the nature of the group this may have been a necessary omission, especially given that the first resolution was for MRDA and all concerned parties to mobilize for another meeting, this time with representation of chiefs from both sides, and establish a working group with representation from both states and civil society groups to review the implementation of the resolutions on an ongoing basis.
Logistically organizing an event like this is a serious challenge in of itself, but the true challenge is ensuring the best atmosphere and facilitation for a positive, honest and constructive conversation about the issues and the way forward. Thankfully in this instance this was achieved. Our task as an organization as we reflect and look to the next stage of this process is to frankly assess how we managed to successfully run this event and what our problems and shortcomings were in doing so. We will be asking ourselves what we can learn for next time to further strengthen the dialogue, making it as inclusive and meaningful as possible. In addition we should be looking, with civil society partners, beyond formally structured meetings like this to the opportunities to address on a longer term basis some of the underlying issues in the area via funded programmes. Regardless of how much kudos we may attain by taking our present role in this peace building process, if we fail to help stop the violence then our efforts are in vain.
Wednesday, 16 March 2011
HIV, Microfinance and Peace
This week I travelled with an MRDA delegation to the capital of Western Equatoria State, Yambio, for a series of meetings with key members of the executive and legislative assemblies there, including Ministers of Health, Social Development and Religious Affairs and Youth and Sports, the MP for Mundri West (the county I am living in) and the Director General of the State Ministry of Education as well as the head of the HIV/AIDS comission. The primary purpose of the trip was to follow up on the distribution and use of an HIV/AIDS educational resource for primary school teachers and children so the lead was my colleague Mai, guided by the MRDA Director Light Wilson. This initative was originally undertaken with the Education ministry so a secondary objective was to inform and include other state actors in maximising the impact of the resource within Western Equatoria*. Also in the team was Gobinder Chaudhury, the Manager of the WOYE (Women and Youth Empowerment) Microfinance project. Whilst this might seem an eclectic mix our long (and suprisingly fruitful) discussions with polity makers and administrators alike served to remind me personally of the interconnectedness of development challenges (one issue acknowledged in the much maligned Millenium Declaration document and addressed by the Millenium Development Goals)and the need for interdisciplinary approaches that truly support communities to self-sufficiency.
For example lets take the issue of HIV/AIDs in Western Equatoria. At 7% the state apparently has the highest prevalance of infection in the whole country. We can infer that, due to the border of W.E with Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda that population movement from the so-called 'Green Belt' of high risk countries in Central Africa is a contributing factor. Furthermore migration back and forth across the borders have been intensified by conflict, as communities in all three countries shift back and forth fleeing violence.
For those unable or unwilling to travel conflict brought other risks. The use of rape as a weapon of war has been documented in DRC and by Soldier of the Northern Sudanese army in South Sudan. This practice surely infected many more women and girls, not to mention its other horrific effects. Furthermore the hardline Islamist leadership of the Khartoum government have failed to acknowledge HIV/AIDs as a genuine social concern, preferring instead to marginalise it as affecting an immoral, irreligious minority, and have refused to introduce Sexual and Reproductive Health education into schools, something the Government of Southern Sudan has only recently aquired the power to choose to do for itself. Conflict ensured that many young people in W.E aquired little to no education at all for over 20 years (and arguably reinforced existing cultural inequalities relating to the role of women in society), thus increasing the vulnerability of underqualified youth to participation in risky economic practices, including sex work. Which brings us to the third strand of challenges, those around economic empowerment, which I will touch upon below. Finally just as education infrastructure was affectd, so too were health services, so HIV/AIDs advice, tests and treatment that could, for example, have reduced the chance of mothers transmitting infection to unborn children, were also disrupted. So we can see that the prevalance of conflict affects sexual health and that no self-respecting peace worker can live ignorant of the relationship between these issues.
For those affected by HIV/AIDs, one of the biggest challenges springs not from the disease virus or syndrome themselves, but from the stigma of the community at large. Employment discrimination against the infected population in South Sudan is commonplace, meaning that they are denied the opportunity to lend their skills and expertise in industry or government. There is now a growing movement of groups and even residential communities being formed in W.E to provide peer support and basic welfare, with encouragement and support from the HIV/AIDs commission. Relief alone can breed dependency however, which is where the provision of microfinance loans could truly help. By providing small chunks of capital to those denied loans or accounts elsewhere, at very low interest with long grace periods, Microfinance institutions seek to promote grass roots economic self sufficiency. In South Sudan, where only government provide salaried positions accessible to most locals, and where there are very few banks ( one branc of Kenya Commercial Bank in the whole of Western Equatoria state, Microfinance as provided by organisations like BRAC, or MRDA, can really make a difference for small traders. This is important when Militia leaders can tempt young people to participate in violence with offers of easy food and money, exploitation that destablises the state and threatens its future. Likewise where no opportunities for legal income generation exist, crime can thrive. Western Equatoria, with its abundant fertility and arable land, should not suffer from such a slide into destructive behaviours and conflict for want of start up loans.
As WOYE seeks to expand beyond its current provision in the two counties of Mundri West and Mvolo, it will work with government to offer loans to entrepeneurs living with HIV/AIDs so that they can provide services, generate income and build livelihoods for themselves and potentially others, thus reducing dependency and tackling dominant negative stereotypes of their caapctiy to contribute to the development of the community. Meanwhile MRDA will also continue to find effective ways to educate the populace, especially the majority youth population, on the impact of HIV/AIDs and the prevention of infection, to ensure that a healthier, more educated generation will take up the baton of economic, social and cultural development. Underpinning both of these strands of work is that of Peace Work, neccesitating strong analysis of the root causes of local conflict and violence, and work with both state and non state elites and grass roots commmunities to identify and resolve issues non violently before they destroy the postive work being down in other fields. The gains to be made economically from conflict tend to be neither equitably shared nor sustainable and the above analysis has already demonstrated the correlation between armed conflict and HIV/AIDs in the region.
So whilst it might seem bold or arrogant to target not only the reduction of HIV/AIDs, not only the elimination of armed conflict, and not only the economic empowerment of the most marginalised people, conversations like the ones this one week show that without all three goals, achieving any single one becomes much more difficult. That's why I feel priveleged to work with an indigenous NGO that is working not only in these fields but in many others, including education, agriculture and gender, and with positive forces within the Government, to truly tackle the complex, compelling and vital challenges faced by Southern Sudanese people as independence approaches.
*The project is notable for being MRDA's first truly national project, with 44,000 textbooks distribtued across all 10 states of South Sudan as well as 170 teachers trained in using the resource effectively.
The role of men and boys in achieving gender equality*
*This short piece is a slightly amended version of my notes for a speech delivered at the Mundri International Women's Day rally on behalf of the MRDA Centre for Peace and Democracy studies. Apologies if it thus seems heavy on rhetoric and light on statistics or academic objectivity. Feedback, as ever, is welcome
Peace is more than the absence of conflict. Peace is about justice, equality and the choice to forgo violence, the choice to break a cycle which could trap us all forever. Violence is by no means limited to the physical damage inflicted by man on man and all too often by man against woman, violence is also in the deep corruption that deprives human beings of equal respect, fair treatment and access to water, to food, to education, to work. It is relatively easy to confront violent behavior (whilst potentially dangerous) but how do we tackle the unseen culture of structural violence^?
Change starts within; when we take responsibility for deciding who we want to be and what consequences we want to produce in the world. If we accept the limitations we are confronted with, if we choose to believe that men can only dominate rather than assuming partnership on an equal footing with women, that women should only stay in the home, as machines for reproduction and service, then the violence that results will continue to poison our societies. True development depends on the full and active participation of all, the shared responsibility. The late President of South Sudan, Dr John Garang*, in his speech upon the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, called Girls in South Sudan and in the world ‘the marginalized of the marginalized’; those most excluded from participating, from contributing, to achieving their full potential.
Women are half or more of the population of the world. Without the sacrifices of women we as men would not be here, the sacrifice of our Mothers, sisters, wives, cousins, friends. The people who fetch water for, cook meals for and raise men, and yet their time in education is cut short by bias towards boys, early pregnancy and the time constraints of domestic servitude. In addition women suffer physical abuse, sexual harassment and rape, the trauma of which can ruin lives and prevent them claiming their deserved roles at the heart of development. Fear can stop them from trying for me. Fear of humiliation. Fear of ignorance. Fear of violence. And yet there are women in Mundri and beyond who defy these circumstances to better themselves and make substantial contributions to society; as students, as educators, as businesswomen, as politicians. They choose to strive for the best regardless of the status quo. Dr. Margaret Itu of the Government of South Sudan chose the occasion of International Women’s Day to urge young Southern Sudanese women to educate themselves for medical careersl to not drop out of school, to persevere in order to make a contribution to their society by learning how to save lives. This woman is a role model; a humanitarian, a leader, and she is far from alone.
Men too can make choices. Violence is a choice that some men make, not a fact of nature, not the will of god, a choice that some men make, and there is no excuse for it. Unfortunately privilege over women is something all men are born with and not enough chose to challenge or change. When we choose to disrespect the work women do in the home and fail to ascribe it its true value, when we choose not to help share the load of that work as if we are superior. When we ignore and mock women’s educational aspirations or legal rights+ or see women as only there to serve our sexual needs, rather than as full and equal humans and full and equal citizens, we are perpetuating a cycle of deeper violence against women, against our society, against our own future.
I believe this cycle of violence, both direct and cultural, is motivated by fear; fear of the unknown, fear of change, fear of powerlessness. We are all afraid, but together we are infinitely more powerful than when we, as individuals, use violence to preserve our own personal status or fight for what we believe is ours, and then to defend it against those we are afraid will undermine us. As long as violence is the language in our hearts, we will always be afraid.
Privilege is no more a fact of nature than violence, nor the will of god. It is the product and evidence of a deeper culture of violence towards women that we, women but especially men, share a responsibility for changing. The beautiful thing is that we can all start that change within us, this day, this very moment. Just as Peace is far more than the absence of physical violence, Equality and Justice for women are not to be found in the presence of laws and policies alone. We can choose to see women for the equal human beings they are, change our attitudes, change our behaviors, and then challenge others whom we hear and see casually dismissing women, to support our brothers to see the error of their ways and help our sisters create a clear pathway to fulfillment, the opportunity to demonstrate the worth we already know they have, so we can rise together for the world can watch.
^My usage of the terms direct, structural and cultural violence are drawn from the work of Professor Johan Galtung, pioneer of Peace Studies and founder of the Transcend Network, find out more at http://transcend.org/ (I will try soon to blog more extensively on peace work)
* John Garang was a member of the Ananya 1 rebel movement of the first Sudanese civil war who again Mutined from the Sudanese armed forces to found the SPLA in 1983 and was the figurehead of the military and political movement through the second war and peace process until his untimely demise in a helicopter crash only 21 days after being sworn in as Vice-President of the Government of National Unity in Khartoum and president elect of the Government of South Sudan
+Couldn't resist adding one statistic here, according to UNFPA South Sudan 90% of civil and criminal law cases in the country, including some to do with rape and child abuse (including sex with and impregnation of underage girls) are still dealt with by customary law courts presided over by Chiefs. Those courts are acknowledged as being weak in accountability, respect for INternational Human Rights norms and in effectively protecting, promoting and fulfilling the rights of Women.
Friday, 25 February 2011
What happens next?
I had my first proper trip to Juba last weekend where I was able to take it in during day and night time. It has a lot more amenities and the bustle of a city and its exponential growth can be felt as you approach it, with more and more informal settlements being built on the outskirts. There is a real sense of industry and brick factories, metal workshops, mechanic etc all over the place there though it seems most of the real resources are still with outside agencies. There are consulates, NGO offices and UN agencies all around. I met a few British Ex Pats at one of the hotel/bars that do a roaring trade serving to accommodate (mostly) the many Europeans or Americans on visits or postings. The presence of their international staff plus Juba’s position as seat of central government probably contributes to the diversity of the populace. Styles of dress vary much more and there is an obvious presence both of South Sudanese of all peoples, and Northerners. I met with Silas Sworo Jo Jo, who has been running the Kimu Charitable Society in Khartoum and now in Juba, for many years, providing vital healthcare and education services to refugees. I also met with Moses Monday John, director of SONAD (Sudanese Organisation for Nonviolence and Democracy) whom I intend to visit in more depth soon as we have much to learn from them in implementing our plans for peace work trainings in Western Equatoria.
I also had the opportunity to meet the soon to be ambassador to Zambia, a Muro guy from Mundri, and was struck once again by the slightly surreal nature of living in a state in waiting. As of July 9th not only will GOSS offices abroad become embassies and consulates, requiring Ambassadors, High Commissioners and so on, but every other aspect of government will be, for the first time, under the direct administration of GOSS. Last week the name and flag of the new state were decided. South Sudan is officially to be called the Republic of South Sudan (ROSS…like Kemp) and the SPLM flag will be adopted as the official ROSS standard. That last point raises an issue I’m struggling to get my head around. The birth of a new state is sure to be messy in some regards. Below I try and make sense of some of my thoughts so far about post-independence governance in ROSS.
Power, Politics and Participation
The new country will likely have the constitutional foundations of a multi-party democracy (there is a committee sitting to review the provisional constitution in preparation for the drafting of new legislation in time for July) and, at least in theory, will be committed to protecting and promoting pluralism in the political sphere, and yet SPLM absolutely dominates every aspect of political life. There ARE other parties, both those who already have a power base in Northern Sudan and newer groupings who are spilt from the SPLM over time, but there representation and visibility is next to none. The future possibilities for a more competitive political climate are uncertain at this time.
The SPLM are, of course, credited with the liberation of the South, although the pursuit of full independence as a position developed over time after attempts at achieving equality within a unified Sudan rather than being the founding goal of the movement. In this however they are almost an extension of the people. The SPLA and SPLM became the vehicle for the wider interests of the Southern Sudanese, which meant fighting on the military and political fronts and eventually negotiating peace with the Government of National Unity in Khatortum under the CPA and working to create the conditions for the independence referendum to proceed safely. In transitioning from guerilla fighters to politicians and civil servants SPLM representative have had a steep learning curve, attempting to build a viable structure for national and regional governance as well as move the party toward electoral success. This dual role has also given them a massive advantage in those elections as the incumbent power and is likely to do so once again in fresh elections that will take place soon after independence. Likewise, whilst GOSS was responsible for administering the referendum to decide the fate of the South, the SPLM was vociferously campaigning to back one option. Neither of these situations are entirely unusual (though the referendum is certainly an incredibly rare occurrence globally) and it would be fair to say that the SPLM has earned its mandate to date, given the incredible sacrifice made in the struggle. Post independence however there is a danger that the leadership of the party may use their roles to consolidate, if not their personal power, then certainly the supremacy of the party. There are varying examples in Africa of the use and misuse of electoral systems to validate a dictatorial party or individual. One positive example in recent times has been that of the ANC in South Africa, which remains dominant in many regards but is held in check by the strength of the constitution that they had a hand in drafting as well as the industry of an active media and civil society. Another more worrying example would be that of Museveni and the NRM party in Uganda (a neighbor of South Sudan) who won another large electoral victory of questionable legitimacy this week after over two decades in power, having originally liberated the country by armed force.~
Post Independence direction
Furthermore when one asks anybody as to the vision of the party for South Sudan beyond the achievement of independence, there are often awkward silences and scratched heads. I cannot yet grasp a clear ideological agenda on the part of the leadership that is shaping economic and social development policies (SPLM had some Marxist influences at its inception that appear to have fallen by the wayside through the protracted conflict and contemporaneous world events like the breakup of the Soviet Union). Leading a new state that will face so many challenges and in some quarters, expectations of failure, is a massive responsibility and not one that can be assumed lightly. Therefore there should be a rich intellectual and political debate within the party as to the way forward, particularly on how the Nation can build an inclusive identity that can unify its diversity of new citizens. In the immediate future negotiations over the outstanding aspects of the CPA; border demarcations, the Nationality of Abeyi which is mandated its own referendum, separate ‘popular consultations’ with the communities of Blue Nile and Kordofan, and then the large issue of reintegrating returning refugees and IDPs (internally displaced people) who are flocking back to the South will surely occupy much of the attention of GOSS but the unique opportunity the new set up presents demands long term vision in addition to an aptitude for political fire fighting.
The Rentier Economy
I have already heard a number of stories about misappropriation of government resources by officials. With many large national infrastructure projects sure to roll out over the next decade or so and over 90% of government revenues currently derived from natural resources, in particular oil,* the danger of resources disappearing into private bank accounts is high and an unfair distribution of oil wealth would surely ramp up existing tensions at local level. If they so wished unscrupulous individuals within the government system could learn from the examples of politicians and civil servants in numerous other states how to enrich themselves at the expense of the populace. There are certain to be foreign figures waiting in the shadows to exploit this possibility for the benefit of their own interests. The demonstration of strong values of transparency and accountability from the top of the political food chain is a must as well as the creation of space for the people to challenge and overturn corrupt practices. In addition to vigilance, invention will be demanded to diversify the economy away from this dependence in future.
Dissenting Voices
state of ROSS will surely hold security as a key priority. The Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda are still active in the South and there are a number of armed factions in various states who are or could take up arms to destabilise the new government. It may perhaps be difficult to promote a culture of difference and debate politically or a culture of securitization prevails. The distinction between legitimate dissent and criminal activity will need to be very clear in order to allow the peaceful resolution of conflicts in the political arena. An embattled but still dominant SPLM could, in future, also choose to make dissent of any kind very difficult, especially given that most of the army and much of the police will be constituted of former SPLA fighters, not only likely to be instinctively loyal to the regime but coming from a culture of fighting to survive in very volatile situation, without a grounding in the finer points of, for example, due legal process. Again, constitutionally the new country will hold a commitment to respecting, protecting and promoting Human Rights, including that of Participation, it is important that the leadership realize this commitment in concrete action and model an example for all services to follow.
The Upside
To balance this critique I can also offer a few counter points. Firstly I would reiterate the steps taken in drafting provisional and temporary legislation the commitment to diversity, inclusion and transparency that has been demonstrated by Southern policy makers. In my opinion these steps have not only been taken to satisfy the diktats of the watching international community, but to create the infrastructure for a political culture that stands in marked difference to the characteristics of the neighboring regime in the ‘old’ Sudan (not to suggest that Southern politicians in the North have been beyond reproach), That these qualities are not yet fully reflected in practice is understandable at this stage.
Secondly, government or political parties alone will not achieve the growth of a political culture in South Sudan. Civil Society to date has been understandably focused on providing relief and development services to a population often cut off entirely from public goods. As the newly independent state comes to control its own budget, rather than having to wait on funds drip fed from Khartoum, then civil society organizations may find more value in shifting their focus toward advocating for the effective distribution of those resources and the development of plans and activities to develop state provision of Education, Healthcare and so on.^ The independent media is also a nascent force, though with little reach beyond big towns (there is one government TV channel and one national radio station run by the UN so print media is the most reliable force). Furthermore the enshrined power of traditional authorities, particularly Chiefs, though weakened by the disruptions of conflict, has by no means disappeared, and has been assured thus far of protections by GOSS. Thus there will remain an established counterweight of authority to the central government at local level even as local democratic structures and civil society develop.
Finally I would suggest that the lack of strong ideological inclination within the SPLM is reflective not of conservatism or intellectual bankruptcy but of its inclusivity. As a movement with a focused goal it has fostered partnership between diverse communities in the pursuit and ultimately achievement of that goal. Once independence is official that diversity may result in some interesting and exciting new directions. Amongst those people I have met so far in my time are many articulate, independent and critical individuals who are well equipped to push for positive change, whether within the existing party framework or outside of it. Some have even suggested that SPLM will slowly disintegrate over time into smaller and more cohesive political groupings. Whilst there is a risk of those groupings reflecting other cultural divisions within the South this might be a broadly positive development if the SPLM proves slow to respond to internal debate and critique. As with so much, it is too early to tell what will happen.
In conclusion
All of this might sound pretty critical, given that the country is not even independent yet! No individual or party is perfect and the SPLM representatives in GOSS are making large strides in a short time as the day of reckoning itself approaches. They deserve the breathing space to build a truly autonomous and representative. The achievement of independence is generally seen as one step in a bigger process, that of realizing the full potential of Southern Sudanese people and giving them a fair opportunity to develop themselves. The efforts and sacrifices needed to reach this point are in no way to be underestimated or denigrated and indeed should be applauded. More importantly these are strictly personal, and thus flawed, observations based on my own limited experience of South Sudan so far. I very much hope to continue learning from my interactions with friends and colleagues here and from the work we are undertaking and to contribute as much as possible to the resolution of some of these fascinating, but more importantly crucial questions.
On another note…Mango season is fast approaching. I am very excited at the prospect.
Footnotes
~There are arguments to suggest that many states that run elections are less politically fair or representative than some that are effectively controlled by one individual or party, especially where the introduction of liberal democratic systems is not combined with inclusive economic development. In Africa both Tanzania and Zambia were effectively one party states for many years after achieving independence, under their leaders Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, and each achieved substantial gains in building their Nations. Check out ‘War, Guns and Votes’ (Oxford 2009) by Paul Collier for some interesting observations on democracy. As a cautionary note in assessing or comparing politics in Africa it is important to emphasise that in the immediate post colonial period the influence of the Cold War and its key player on development (or lack therof) was massive.
*Research indicates that where the majority of a countries economic base comes from natural resources corruption can become more widespread and a ‘rentier economy’ develops (as can be found in Sudan at present). This process is often stimulated by the actions of external states and companies seeking a short cut to gain concessions for the exploitation of those resources. Professor Kenneth Omeje authored an informative paper on this issue last year ‘Dangers of splitting a fragile rentier state: Getting it right in Southern Sudan’. This is available from the African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) at www.accord.org.
^Proposals MRDA have pending at present include activities to strengthen the voice of local civil society in the political arena. Ironically a factor that might undermine this process is the influence of international NGOs and Development Agencies (such as DfID, the British government Department for International Development) and their own agendas. Given that they hold many times more resources than local civil society groups GOSS may be pressured into executing plans more shaped by opinion in Washington, London and Geneva than by grass roots voices in South Sudan itself. Local NGOs, to varying degrees also hold relationships with those same agencies and may be able to engage in positive dialogue on such issues with them.
I also had the opportunity to meet the soon to be ambassador to Zambia, a Muro guy from Mundri, and was struck once again by the slightly surreal nature of living in a state in waiting. As of July 9th not only will GOSS offices abroad become embassies and consulates, requiring Ambassadors, High Commissioners and so on, but every other aspect of government will be, for the first time, under the direct administration of GOSS. Last week the name and flag of the new state were decided. South Sudan is officially to be called the Republic of South Sudan (ROSS…like Kemp) and the SPLM flag will be adopted as the official ROSS standard. That last point raises an issue I’m struggling to get my head around. The birth of a new state is sure to be messy in some regards. Below I try and make sense of some of my thoughts so far about post-independence governance in ROSS.
Power, Politics and Participation
The new country will likely have the constitutional foundations of a multi-party democracy (there is a committee sitting to review the provisional constitution in preparation for the drafting of new legislation in time for July) and, at least in theory, will be committed to protecting and promoting pluralism in the political sphere, and yet SPLM absolutely dominates every aspect of political life. There ARE other parties, both those who already have a power base in Northern Sudan and newer groupings who are spilt from the SPLM over time, but there representation and visibility is next to none. The future possibilities for a more competitive political climate are uncertain at this time.
The SPLM are, of course, credited with the liberation of the South, although the pursuit of full independence as a position developed over time after attempts at achieving equality within a unified Sudan rather than being the founding goal of the movement. In this however they are almost an extension of the people. The SPLA and SPLM became the vehicle for the wider interests of the Southern Sudanese, which meant fighting on the military and political fronts and eventually negotiating peace with the Government of National Unity in Khatortum under the CPA and working to create the conditions for the independence referendum to proceed safely. In transitioning from guerilla fighters to politicians and civil servants SPLM representative have had a steep learning curve, attempting to build a viable structure for national and regional governance as well as move the party toward electoral success. This dual role has also given them a massive advantage in those elections as the incumbent power and is likely to do so once again in fresh elections that will take place soon after independence. Likewise, whilst GOSS was responsible for administering the referendum to decide the fate of the South, the SPLM was vociferously campaigning to back one option. Neither of these situations are entirely unusual (though the referendum is certainly an incredibly rare occurrence globally) and it would be fair to say that the SPLM has earned its mandate to date, given the incredible sacrifice made in the struggle. Post independence however there is a danger that the leadership of the party may use their roles to consolidate, if not their personal power, then certainly the supremacy of the party. There are varying examples in Africa of the use and misuse of electoral systems to validate a dictatorial party or individual. One positive example in recent times has been that of the ANC in South Africa, which remains dominant in many regards but is held in check by the strength of the constitution that they had a hand in drafting as well as the industry of an active media and civil society. Another more worrying example would be that of Museveni and the NRM party in Uganda (a neighbor of South Sudan) who won another large electoral victory of questionable legitimacy this week after over two decades in power, having originally liberated the country by armed force.~
Post Independence direction
Furthermore when one asks anybody as to the vision of the party for South Sudan beyond the achievement of independence, there are often awkward silences and scratched heads. I cannot yet grasp a clear ideological agenda on the part of the leadership that is shaping economic and social development policies (SPLM had some Marxist influences at its inception that appear to have fallen by the wayside through the protracted conflict and contemporaneous world events like the breakup of the Soviet Union). Leading a new state that will face so many challenges and in some quarters, expectations of failure, is a massive responsibility and not one that can be assumed lightly. Therefore there should be a rich intellectual and political debate within the party as to the way forward, particularly on how the Nation can build an inclusive identity that can unify its diversity of new citizens. In the immediate future negotiations over the outstanding aspects of the CPA; border demarcations, the Nationality of Abeyi which is mandated its own referendum, separate ‘popular consultations’ with the communities of Blue Nile and Kordofan, and then the large issue of reintegrating returning refugees and IDPs (internally displaced people) who are flocking back to the South will surely occupy much of the attention of GOSS but the unique opportunity the new set up presents demands long term vision in addition to an aptitude for political fire fighting.
The Rentier Economy
I have already heard a number of stories about misappropriation of government resources by officials. With many large national infrastructure projects sure to roll out over the next decade or so and over 90% of government revenues currently derived from natural resources, in particular oil,* the danger of resources disappearing into private bank accounts is high and an unfair distribution of oil wealth would surely ramp up existing tensions at local level. If they so wished unscrupulous individuals within the government system could learn from the examples of politicians and civil servants in numerous other states how to enrich themselves at the expense of the populace. There are certain to be foreign figures waiting in the shadows to exploit this possibility for the benefit of their own interests. The demonstration of strong values of transparency and accountability from the top of the political food chain is a must as well as the creation of space for the people to challenge and overturn corrupt practices. In addition to vigilance, invention will be demanded to diversify the economy away from this dependence in future.
Dissenting Voices
state of ROSS will surely hold security as a key priority. The Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda are still active in the South and there are a number of armed factions in various states who are or could take up arms to destabilise the new government. It may perhaps be difficult to promote a culture of difference and debate politically or a culture of securitization prevails. The distinction between legitimate dissent and criminal activity will need to be very clear in order to allow the peaceful resolution of conflicts in the political arena. An embattled but still dominant SPLM could, in future, also choose to make dissent of any kind very difficult, especially given that most of the army and much of the police will be constituted of former SPLA fighters, not only likely to be instinctively loyal to the regime but coming from a culture of fighting to survive in very volatile situation, without a grounding in the finer points of, for example, due legal process. Again, constitutionally the new country will hold a commitment to respecting, protecting and promoting Human Rights, including that of Participation, it is important that the leadership realize this commitment in concrete action and model an example for all services to follow.
The Upside
To balance this critique I can also offer a few counter points. Firstly I would reiterate the steps taken in drafting provisional and temporary legislation the commitment to diversity, inclusion and transparency that has been demonstrated by Southern policy makers. In my opinion these steps have not only been taken to satisfy the diktats of the watching international community, but to create the infrastructure for a political culture that stands in marked difference to the characteristics of the neighboring regime in the ‘old’ Sudan (not to suggest that Southern politicians in the North have been beyond reproach), That these qualities are not yet fully reflected in practice is understandable at this stage.
Secondly, government or political parties alone will not achieve the growth of a political culture in South Sudan. Civil Society to date has been understandably focused on providing relief and development services to a population often cut off entirely from public goods. As the newly independent state comes to control its own budget, rather than having to wait on funds drip fed from Khartoum, then civil society organizations may find more value in shifting their focus toward advocating for the effective distribution of those resources and the development of plans and activities to develop state provision of Education, Healthcare and so on.^ The independent media is also a nascent force, though with little reach beyond big towns (there is one government TV channel and one national radio station run by the UN so print media is the most reliable force). Furthermore the enshrined power of traditional authorities, particularly Chiefs, though weakened by the disruptions of conflict, has by no means disappeared, and has been assured thus far of protections by GOSS. Thus there will remain an established counterweight of authority to the central government at local level even as local democratic structures and civil society develop.
Finally I would suggest that the lack of strong ideological inclination within the SPLM is reflective not of conservatism or intellectual bankruptcy but of its inclusivity. As a movement with a focused goal it has fostered partnership between diverse communities in the pursuit and ultimately achievement of that goal. Once independence is official that diversity may result in some interesting and exciting new directions. Amongst those people I have met so far in my time are many articulate, independent and critical individuals who are well equipped to push for positive change, whether within the existing party framework or outside of it. Some have even suggested that SPLM will slowly disintegrate over time into smaller and more cohesive political groupings. Whilst there is a risk of those groupings reflecting other cultural divisions within the South this might be a broadly positive development if the SPLM proves slow to respond to internal debate and critique. As with so much, it is too early to tell what will happen.
In conclusion
All of this might sound pretty critical, given that the country is not even independent yet! No individual or party is perfect and the SPLM representatives in GOSS are making large strides in a short time as the day of reckoning itself approaches. They deserve the breathing space to build a truly autonomous and representative. The achievement of independence is generally seen as one step in a bigger process, that of realizing the full potential of Southern Sudanese people and giving them a fair opportunity to develop themselves. The efforts and sacrifices needed to reach this point are in no way to be underestimated or denigrated and indeed should be applauded. More importantly these are strictly personal, and thus flawed, observations based on my own limited experience of South Sudan so far. I very much hope to continue learning from my interactions with friends and colleagues here and from the work we are undertaking and to contribute as much as possible to the resolution of some of these fascinating, but more importantly crucial questions.
On another note…Mango season is fast approaching. I am very excited at the prospect.
Footnotes
~There are arguments to suggest that many states that run elections are less politically fair or representative than some that are effectively controlled by one individual or party, especially where the introduction of liberal democratic systems is not combined with inclusive economic development. In Africa both Tanzania and Zambia were effectively one party states for many years after achieving independence, under their leaders Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, and each achieved substantial gains in building their Nations. Check out ‘War, Guns and Votes’ (Oxford 2009) by Paul Collier for some interesting observations on democracy. As a cautionary note in assessing or comparing politics in Africa it is important to emphasise that in the immediate post colonial period the influence of the Cold War and its key player on development (or lack therof) was massive.
*Research indicates that where the majority of a countries economic base comes from natural resources corruption can become more widespread and a ‘rentier economy’ develops (as can be found in Sudan at present). This process is often stimulated by the actions of external states and companies seeking a short cut to gain concessions for the exploitation of those resources. Professor Kenneth Omeje authored an informative paper on this issue last year ‘Dangers of splitting a fragile rentier state: Getting it right in Southern Sudan’. This is available from the African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) at www.accord.org.
^Proposals MRDA have pending at present include activities to strengthen the voice of local civil society in the political arena. Ironically a factor that might undermine this process is the influence of international NGOs and Development Agencies (such as DfID, the British government Department for International Development) and their own agendas. Given that they hold many times more resources than local civil society groups GOSS may be pressured into executing plans more shaped by opinion in Washington, London and Geneva than by grass roots voices in South Sudan itself. Local NGOs, to varying degrees also hold relationships with those same agencies and may be able to engage in positive dialogue on such issues with them.
Tuesday, 15 February 2011
Kedeba Reflections
On Thursday evening I got back from four days in Kedeba, centre of the Mundri East county, where three colleagues (Kpichwa Sismayo, Voice Chance and Eric Jaffara) and I had delivered a training workshop for people elected the brand new county council there. Whilst only about thirty five miles from Mundri, Kedeba is almost two hours across painfully bumpy dirt roads by jeep. And despite being the local administrative hub, its infrastructure makes Mundri look like a metropolis. The hospitality, warmth and passion for change shown by the councilors and council staff however, was fantastic.
Until the 2010 elections electoral democracy had been largely alien to the South. The last contested elections had taken place in 1986 so an entire generation of people who were either under 18 years of age or not yet born at that point, had been disenfranchised. Now the GOSS, under pressure from aid donors and keen to justify its impending statehood, is implementing the features of a Westminster style system, including a commitment to decentralized governance, with some provision made to integrate local traditional structures into the state. Previously civil servants called Boma administrators dealt with all government matters at village level in South Sudan and local Chiefs (formerly appointed by hereditary birthright and still a lifelong position, if now elected) dispensed justice. Now each and every Boma is mandated to elect a councilor every four years, with representation in the county Legislature.
Our training was a modest introduction to local government, governance, democracy and anti corruption (Sudan is routinely cited as in the ‘bottom 10’ most corrupt countries in the world. The factors contributing to this in the South mainly relate to a lack of infrastructure and accountability, issues GOSS is now actively tackling). Many of the participants in our training, their lives disrupted by Northern oppression and civil war, have never experienced the privilege of a settled, peaceful life. Like so many Southern Sudanese, people in Kedeba had spent many years of their adult lives hiding in the bush in order to avoid Northern soldiers, walking great distances daily and going days at a time without food or water, or in refugee camps and temporary homes in Khartoum, Ethiopia, Kenya or Uganda.
For their sacrifices and those in the war fought by the SPLA to have borne fruit in the CPA, the referendum and now separation is the achievement of a lifetime for many, the liberation that they have suffered for, and that many of their friends and family have paid the ultimate price for. Therefore the opportunity to contribute to the building of their new nation as elected officials is seen as a great honor and responsibility.
The significance of the situation was underlined further when the official Referendum results were announced in the week, with an absolute landslide of over 99% voting for Seperation from the North. The televised ceremony featured lengthy congratulatory contributions from EU, UN and African Union representatives but the result was all that is important to the Southern Sudanese. The mood of quiet jubilation was tempered later in the week by the shocking news of the assassination of a the GOSS Minister for rural development, Jimmy Lemi, In Juba. The councilors remained steadfast in their own resolve to give their all for the good of their communities.
We were engaged to deliver sessions on the democracy, good governance, local government and corruption (perceived as a major potential threat to the effective running of South Sudan). That’s quite a lot of ground to cover in a degree, let alone a four day course! However, we were focused in our work and both the process and the end results felt very positive. Furthermore my Moro language skills developed a bit over the course of the workshop and I learnt a massive amount about the ground level challenges faced by communities across East Mundi, so it was educational for me too!
The challenges the councilors will face in their roles are large. The local economy is small and most children never complete secondary education. Health facilities are limited and local girls walk for hours each day to fetch fresh water for their households. Furthermore many of the educated and successful migrate to better connected and resourced areas to seek their fortune. There is much confusion and corruption in local affairs of state. As the new legislature introduced to balance out the powers of the executive, councilors will have to deal with officials and chiefs used to doing things their way and unused to being accountable to others. Also the expectations of citizens to deal with problems such as lack of health and education services, communication infrastructure and abuse of the justice system may fall heavily on councilors.
Part of our training focused on empowering the community as active partners in the development process so that councilors could better support them and their workload is shared across their constituencies. We did our best to introduce practical tools that could be used to facilitate this, drawing upon the PRA (participatory rural appraisal) techniques pioneered by Robert Chambers, amongst others from both the Global North and South.
With so much to cover in so little time it was inevitable that there would be some themes left to build upon but the hunger for more from participants was overwhelming. Often in training you encounter jaded ‘professional’ workshop participants, who seem to have little time between conferences and junkets to practically apply anything they may have learnt. Mundri East is a world removed from that realm. This emphasizes the obligation to serve attendees of such training in the best way possible. To be invited to support these communities to develop themselves is not only a privilege, but a serious responsibility.
In the months to come as we work with other local officials, chiefs, young people and community groups in awareness raising and training activities I hope to not only develop my language skills to be able to do the work in the language of the people, but to gain a much better understanding of local realities to ensure that I am fulfilling my personal responsibility to the fullest extent.
During our time in Kedeba we also visited local youth who work with KAYA (Kedeba Active Youth Association) to discuss their concerns for the area. There is little to no engagement at present between youth groups and the government. With a massive under 30s population a proactive, clear and participatory strategy to engage young people actively in nation building and meet their needs for recreation, skills development and education, is a must. However with so many other competing priorities on the part of the state, where and when such outreach will emerge is questionable. Youth organizations for their part, on my initial assessment, whilst well placed to deliver effective programmes, have yet to develop advocacy skills in order to influence policy makers and articulate their demands. This area is one I am keen to explore with MRDA in the months to come.
Monday, 31 January 2011
Arrival!
A brief addition to say that I have arrived safe in Mundri after an overnight stay in Juba and drive back into Western Equatoria, via a couple of field centres providing health and agricultural development services AND to acknowledge the initial referendum result of 99.57% FOR Secession. Once the Sudanese government in Khartoum has also verifed this (within a fortnight) then Independence is fully official. An auspicous occasion to arrive in what will be the world's 193rd country.
I met a senior GOSS (Government of Southern Sudan) lawyer last night and talked constitutional accountability and nation building over wonderful fresh fish and tea as well as reconnecting with my friend Light. I stayed at one of the blocky two storey hotels that have sprung up predominantly to serve NGO workers. It is situated on the banks of the Nile so I was priveleged to take in the wonder of the river early this morning. I met the chairman of MRDA in Juba and the team I will be placed with (formerly Civic Education and now becoming Peace and Democracy Studies)for introductory chats, now I am on my way to the guest house that will be my home for the immediate future.
The lack of infrastructure and underdevelopment that caused so much resentment in the South is immediately apparent from the airport on and the roads outside Juba are in some places barely functional. Juba by night is a very very dark place but there are shops of all persuasions and some bars lining the roadside for miles. Also the sheer scale of the country is striking. So much of the land is unpopulated and the expression 'off the beaten track' has taken on a new resonance for me. Mundri and the surrounding area is more lush in terms of vegetation and milder in Climate than Juba and there are rivers cutting across the bush at occasional intervals.
I'm off to enjoy the evening.Salam!
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